တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာဘာလဲ?

The Voice for Justice, Equal Right, Freedom, Genuine Federal Union, Democracy and Self-determination in Burma. "Justice War Must always Win over Injustice".

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာ တရားမွ်တမွဳ၊တန္တူအခြင္႔အေရး၊လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊စစ္မွန္ေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု။ဒီမုိကေရစီ၊ ႏွင္႔ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပဌာန္ခြင္႔အသံမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္၊
"တရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲဟာ မတရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲကုိ အျမဲေအာင္ရမည္
"

Friday, December 21, 2007

ဘူးသီးေတာင္ေထာင္ထဲရွိ ဦးဣႆရိယ က်န္းမာေရး အေျခအေနအထူး ဆိုး၀ါးေန

12/22/2007


စက္တဘၤာလအတြင္းက ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ စစ္ေတြျမိဳ႕တြင္ ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ေသာ ရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ား ဆႏၵျပပြဲမ်ားကို ဦးဆာင္ခဲ့သူ ဦးဣႆရိယ၏ က်န္းမာေရး အေျခအေနမွာ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ ေထာင္ထဲတြင္ အထူးဆိုးရြားေနေၾကာင္းသတင္းရရွိသည္။


အမည္မေဖၚလိုသူ ေဆြမ်ိဳး တဦးက “မိသားစုေတြနဲ႕လည္းေတြ႕ခြင့္မရတဲ့အတြက္ ဦးဇင္းရဲ႕ က်န္းမာေရး အေျခအေန ဘယ္အတိုင္းအတာထိ ဆိုးဆိုးရြားရြား ျဖစ္ေနတယ္ဆိ္ုတာကို ေျပာဖို႕ခက္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူ႕က်န္းမာေရး အေျခအေနဟာ အထူး ဆိုးရြားေနတယ္လို႕ ေထာင္အတြင္းကလာတဲ့ သတင္းေတြအရ သိရွိရပါတယ္။ ဦးဇင္းကို မတရားႏွိပ္စက္ထားတဲ့ အတြက္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာလည္း ေတာ္ေတာ္ ထိခုိက္ေနတယ္လို႕ သိရွိရပါတယ္။” ဟု ေျပာ သည္။

ဦးဣႆရိယအား နအဖ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက စစ္ေတြျမိဳ႕မွ ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ နိုင္ငံသို႕ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္လာစဥ္ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ ျမိဳ႕မေက်ာင္းတိုက္တြင္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ပထမပတ္က နအဖ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့သည္။


၎ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ဦးဣႆရိယအား ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕၌ လူ၀တ္လဲျပီး စစ္ေတြသို႕ ပို႕ေဆာင္ကာ စစ္ေတြအက်ဥ္းေထာင္တြင္း၌ပင္ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက တဘက္သတ္ တရားစီရင္ကာ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႕က ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၇ ႏွစ္ခြဲခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည္။


စစ္ေတြေထာင္တြင္ ဖမ္းဆီး ထိန္းသိမ္းထားစဥ္အတြင္း ဦးဣႆရိယအား စစ္ေထာက္လွမ္း ေရးမ်ားက ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ ညွဥ္းပမ္းႏွိပ္စက္ခဲ့သျဖင့္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာအရ အထူးထိခိုက္ခဲ့ ေၾကာင္း ေထာင္မွလြတ္လာသူ ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ တဦးက နိရဥၥရာသို႕ ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့သည္။


တရားစီရင္ျပီးေနာက္ပိုင္း ဦးဣႆရိယအား အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဘူးသီးေတာင္ အက်ဥ္း ေထာင္သို႕ ပို႕ေဆာင္ခဲ့သည္။ ၎ျပင္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဦးဇင္းအားသူ႕ေဆြမ်ိိဳး မိသားစုမ်ား ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခြင့္ကိုလည္း ပိတ္ပင္ထားခဲ့သည္။


ဦးဇင္း ဣႆရိယမွာ သက္ေတာ္ ၂၈ ႏွစ္ရွိျပီး စိတၱသုခေက်ာင္းတြင္ ရဟန္းဘ၀ျဖင့္ ပညာသင္ၾကားေနစဥ္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအား စစ္ေတြတြင္ ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့သူ ျဖစ္သျဖင့္ စစ္အစိုးရမွ ရုပ္ပိုင္းႏွင့္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ အရပါ ႏွိပ္စက္မွဳမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေနသျဖင့္ က်န္းမာေရးသာ ထိခိုက္ေနသည္သာမက စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာလည္း အထူးထိခိုက္ ခံစားေနရေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။


(မွတ္ခ်က္။ ။ နိရဥၥရာမွ သတင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ဓါတ္ပံုမ်ားအား မည္သူမဆို လြတ္လပ္စြာအသံုးျပဳနိုင္သည္။ နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းရင္းျမစ္ကို ေဖၚျပေပးရန္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံပါသည္။)

ေနရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာန မွကူးယူထားပါသည္။


ဗမာျပည္ဟာ လူမ်ဳိးေပါင္းစုံေနထုိင္ေနတဲ့ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ႏုိင္ငံျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ သမုိင္းတေလွ်ာက္မွာ ေျမာက္မ်ားစြာေသာ ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားေနထုိင္လာခဲ့တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံျဖစ္ျပီး က်ေနာ္တုိ.ကုိ လူနည္းစုလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ဟုဗမာလူမ်ဳိးေတြေခၚၾကသည္၊က်ေနာ္တုိ.ဟာ လူနည္းစုမဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ.ဟာ ဌာေနတိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ ဟု ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၇ ရက္ေန.တြင္ ထုိင္းျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ား စကား၀ုိင္ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ ေဟာေျပာစဥ္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားေကာင္စီ၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တေယာက္လဲျဖစ္၊ ခ်င္းအမ်ဳိးသားတပ္ဦး၏ ဦးေဆာင္မွဳအဖြဲ.၀င္တေယာက္လဲျဖစ္ တဲ့ ေဒါက္တာ ဆူခါ က ေျပာၾကားသြားပါသည္၊

ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၏ “အလုပ္ျဖစ္ေသာအဓိပၸါယ္ဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္“ တစ္ခုကုိ ပုံေသေဖာ္ထုတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အထူးစုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ.၏ လက္ေထာက္ေကာ္မရွင္ ျဖစ္သူ Jose Martinez Cobo ၏အဓိပၸါယ္ဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္အရ “ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသား လူအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား၊လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၊ ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားဆုိသည္မွာ၊ သူတုိ.နယ္နိမိတ္ေတြအထဲမွာ ၾကီးပြားခဲ့၍ သူတုိ.ကုိယ္ကုိတျခားလူအဖြဲ.အစည္း၏ အစိတ္အပုိင္းနဲ. မတူကြဲျပားသည္ဟူေသာ ခံယူခ်က္ရွိျပီး ယေန.အခ်ိန္အထိ ၎နယ္နိမိတ္ေတြအထဲမွာ သုိ.မဟုတ္ ၎ နယ္နိမိတ္၏တစိတ္တပုိင္းမွာလႊမ္းမိုးေနဆဲျဖစ္ေသာက်ဴးေက်ာ္တုိက္ခုိက္မွဳမခံမီကာလ ႏွင့္ သိမ္းပုိက္မွဳမခံမီကာလမွာ သမုိင္းအစဥ္အဆက္ရွိလာခဲ့တဲ့ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားကုိဆုိလုိသည္၊ ယေန.ေခတ္ကာလမွာ လူအဖြဲ.အစည္း၏အစိတ္အပုိင္းေတြကုိမလႊမ္းမုိးႏိုင္ေသာလူမ်ဳိးအျဖစ္တည္ရွိေနျပီး၊ သူတုိ.၏လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားဆက္လက္ရွင္သန္မွဳအေျခခံခ်က္မ်ားအရ ႏွင့္ သူတို.၏ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳထုံစံမ်ား၊လူမွဳေရးဓေလ့မ်ား ႏွင့္ တရားေရးဆုိင္ရာစနစ္မ်ား ႏွင့္အညီ သူတုိ.၏လူမ်ဳိးေရး လကၡဏာ ႏွင့္ ဘုိးဘြားစဥ္ဆက္ပုိင္နယ္ေျမမ်ားကုိ ကားကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ရန္၊ ဖြံ.ျဖဳိးတုိးတက္ရန္၊ႏွင့္အနာဂတ္မ်ဳိးဆက္သစ္မ်ားအားလက္ကမ္းလြဲေျပာင္းေပးရန္
တုိ.အတြက္သတ္မွတ္ခံေနရသည္.လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္“

ဒီလုိေဖာ္ျပခ်က္အရ ဗမာျပည္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသည္ ရာစုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကတည္က သူတုိ.တုိင္းျပည္ရွိခဲ့တယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ.ဟာ ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖစ္တယ္၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားကုိ လူနည္းစု ဟုေခၚေ၀ၚသုံးစြဲျခင္းသည္ က်ေနာ္တုိ.၏ ရပုိင္ခြင့္အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ကန္.သတ္၊ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ေနတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ.ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအေနနဲ.က်.ေနာ္တုိ.ကုိ လူနည္းစုမ်ားအျဖစ္ သူမ်ား တံဆိပ္တပ္ေနျခင္းကုိ ခြင့္မျပဳရဘူး ဟု ေဒါက္တာ ဆူခါ က ဆက္လက္ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္၊

လူနည္းစု၏အဓိပၸါယ္ဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္ဟာ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းျဖစ္သည္ ဟု သူကဆက္လက္ေျပာျပသည္၊ လူအဖြဲ.အစည္းပမာဏၾကီးတုိင္းမွာ လူနည္းစုလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားပါ၀င္ေနတယ္၊ သူတုိ.တေတြဟာ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ား၊ နယ္ေျမမဲ့သြားလာေနေသာ လူအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္ႏုိင္တယ္၊ တစ္ခ်ဳိ.ေနရာေတြမွာ၊ လက္ေအာက္ခံ လူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား အေရအတြက္အမ်ားစုေပါင္းစပ္ထားေကာင္းေပါင္း စပ္ထားႏိုင္တယ္၊ ဥပမာ၊ အသားအေရာင္ခြဲျခားမွဳေအာက္မွာ ရွိေနတဲ့ ေတာင္အာဖရိကမွာ လူမည္းမ်ားျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊

ဗမာျပည္မွာဆိုရင္၊ တရုတ္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ႏွင့္ အိႏၵိလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသည္၊ လူနည္းစုလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကတယ္၊ကုလသမဂၢလူအခြင့္အေရးစာတမ္းအရ၊ လူနည္းစုႏွင့္ ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားဟာလုံးလုံးကုိကြဲျပားေနတယ္၊ လူနည္းစုအတြက္ေရးထားတဲ့ စာပုိဒ္ေတြအထဲမွာ၊လူနည္းစုတုိ.၏ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳ၊ဘာသာစကား၊ကုိးကြယ္မွဳဘာသာေရး၊ ႏွင့္ပညာေရးတုိ.ကုိဖြံ.ျဖဳိတုိးတက္ဖုိ.အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ၎က အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားေပမဲ့ တုိင္းျပည္ ႏွင့္ နယ္နိမိတ္မ်ားကုိေတာ့ မထည့္ထားဘူး၊ ဒါေၾကာင့္၊ ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားအခြင့္အေရးမ်ား နဲ.ျခားနားပါတယ္၊

တရား၀င္ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားအခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့တစ္ႏွစ္ေလာက္ကပဲထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခဲ့ပါတယ္၊
စစ္မွန္ေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ေရးအတြက္၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စုအေျခခံဥပေဒေရးဆြဲေရး ႏွင့္ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးေကာ္မတီအေနနဲ.၎တုိ.၏ေဆာင္ရြက္ခ်က္အထဲမွာ ဒီ ကုလသမဂၢ၏ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအခြင့္အေရးထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္ကုိ စဥ္းစားရမည္၊က်ေနာ္တုိ.အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ.ေတာင္းဆုိသည့္အခါ ဤေၾကညာစာတမ္းကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ. ရည္ညြန္းရပါလိမ္.မည္၊ ဟု သူကဆက္ေျပာပါသည္၊

က်ေနာ္တုိ.အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားရွိျပီးသာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္တုိ.အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ နအဖမွ က်ေနာ္တုိ.ေတာင္းေနတာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ ဒါေပမဲ့၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ.ဖိႏွိပ္ခံေနရျပီး က်ေနာ္တုိ.၏အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိလဲ လုယူသြားခံရတယ္၊ဒါေၾကာင့္မို.၊ သူတုိ.လုယူသြားတဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ.အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိျပန္ေပးဖုိ. က်ေနာ္တုိ.ေတာင္းေနတာျဖစ္ပါသည္၊ ဟုသူ၏ေနာက္ဆုံးေဟာေျပာခ်က္မွာအဆုံသတ္ေျပာၾကားသြားပါသည္။

မွတ္ခ်က္။ ။ သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သတင္းဌာနမွာ Kwarn Lake ေရးသားထားတဲ့ Chin Leader: We are the indigenous, not ethnic minorities ေဆာင္ပါးကုိ ဆီေလ်ာ္ေအာင္ ကုိကီကီနီ
ဘာသာျပန္ထားပါသည္။
က်ေနာ္တုိ.ဟာ ဌာေနတုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားျဖစ္ျပီး လူနည္းစုလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားမဟုတ္၊

Chin leader: We are the indigenous, not ethnic minorities

By Kwarn Lake

"Burma is a multi racial country. Several ethnic indigenous groups have lived throughout history in Burma and the Burmans call us ethnic minority groups. We are not minorities, we are the indigenous”, said Dr. Sui Khar, one of leaders of ENC ( Ethnic Nationalities Council) and also a leading member of Chin National Front, while lecturing to the ethnic youth in the workshop organized on the Thai-Burma border on 17 December.


Dr. Sui Khar

According to the definition of the Special Rapporteur of the Sub-Commission, Jose Martinez Cobo, who formulated a 'working definition' of indigenous peoples, he said:
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Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems.”


“According to this statement, the ethnic groups in Burma have their own land since many centuries. We are the indigenous. By addressing the ethnic groups as minorities, they are limiting and restricting our rights. We, the indigenous, must not allow others to label us as minorities”, he added.
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The definition of minority, he said, is as follows: Every large society contains ethnic minorities. They may be migrant, landless nomadic communities. In some places, subordinate ethnic groups may constitute a numerical majority, such as Blacks in South Africa under apartheid.
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In Burma the Chinese and the Indians are minority groups. Under the UN Bill of Human Rights, the minority and the indigenous are completely different. In the articles for minority, it recognizes their rights to develop their own culture, language, religion, education but not including the land and territories and it is different from the rights of indigenous.
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The legal indigenous rights was declared just over a year ago. "In order to build a genuine federal union, the Federal Constitution Drafting and Coordinating Committee (FCDCC) must consider this United Nations Declarations on the Rights of Indigenous People in their work. We will also have to refer to this Declaration when we ask for our rights”, he said.
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“From the SPDC, we are not demanding our rights because we already have them, but we are abused and our rights have been taken away from us. So now we are asking them to give these rights back to us”, he concluded at the end of the lecture.
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Thursday, December 20, 2007

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(Ashley South ေရးသားသည္၊ ေနရွင္းသတင္စား၊)

ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကုိ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ဆက္လက္ဖိႏွိပ္ေနျခင္းဟာ ဗမာျပည္မွာ ထိတ္လန္.ဖြယ္ေကာင္းေသာ လူ.အခြင့္အေရး ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနမ်ားကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအာရုံစုိက္ မွဳေအာက္မွာျပန္လည္ေရာက္ရွိသြားပါသည္။

ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ.ႏွင့္ တျခားျမဳိ.ေတြမွာ ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ အရပ္သားမ်ားကုိ ဖမ္းဆီး၊သတ္ျဖတ္သည့္ပုံရိပ္လႊာေတြဟာ ယဥ္ေက်းတဲ့ျပည္သူလူထုတုိ.အား တုန္လွဳပ္ေျခာက္ျခားသြားေစခဲ့သည္၊

နာလည္သေဘာေပါက္ထားတာက နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရ ရဲ.လုပ္ရပ္ေတြအေပၚ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာသည့္ စက္ဆုပ္ရြ.ံရွာေသာခံစားခ်က္သည္ ရာစုႏွစ္တ၀က္ေလာက္ (၁၉၆၂ႏွစ္၊စစ္အာဏာသိမ္းပြဲကတည္က)ဗမာျပည္ကုိ လြဲမွားစြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လာခဲ့ေသာစစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကုိ မာမာမတ္မတ္ အေရးယူေပးဖုိ.ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္ဆီး ဦးတည္သြားေစပါသည္၊

တုိင္းသူျပည္သားတုိ.၏ လူအခြင့္အေရး၊အရပ္သားအခြင့္အေရး ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ပုိးျပီးေလစားလာေအာင္ ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရအား ဘယ္လုိတုိက္တြန္းေဖ်ာင္းဖ် ရမလဲဆုိတဲ့အခ်က္ဟာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ားအတြက္ စိန္ေခၚခံေနရတဲ့အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါသည္၊

စစ္အစုိးရျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးမွာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီဆီ တျဖည္းျဖည္းနဲ.ကူးေျပာင္းသြားရာမွာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ျမန္ျမန္ဆန္ဆန္စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဳပုံစံေျပာင္းေစရာမွာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ဤလုိအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ ဟာအေခ်အတင္ေဆြးေႏြးစရာမ်ားျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ရွင္းေနတဲ့အခ်က္တခ်က္ကေတာ့ ဗမာျပည္မွာ အေျပာင္းအလဲလုိအပ္ေနတယ္ ဆုိတဲ့အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ မၾကာမီေပါ့၊

ထုိအေတာအတြင္း၌ ေက်းလက္ေဒသေတြမွာရွိတဲ့ျပည္သူလူထုေတြအတြက္ေတာ့ ဘာမွ သိပ္ၾကီးၾကီးက်ယ္ယ္ေျပာင္းလဲမသြားပါဘူး၊ သူတုိ.အုပ္စုကေတာ့ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရတုိ. ၏ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳေတြရယ္၊ တခါတလည္က်ေတာ့လဲ အစိုးရမဟုတ္ေသာလက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား၏ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳေတြရယ္ ဆက္လက္ခံစားေနရဆဲပါ၊
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ေက်းလက္ေဒသေတြမွာရွိတဲ့တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိး စုမ်ား၏အေျခအေနအတြက္ေတာ့အထူးခက္ခဲပါတယ္၊သူတုိ.တေတြဟာလက္နက္ကုိင္တုိက္ပြဲပ႗ိပကၡဒဏ္ေတြရယ္၊ဆည္းေျမာင္စသည့္ၾကီးက်ယ္ေသာေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးစီမံကိန္ရဲ.ျခိမ္းေျခာက္မွဳဒဏ္ေတြရယ္၊သစ္ေတြခုတ္လဲမွဳ၊မုိင္ေတြတူးေဖၚမွဳစသည့္သဘာ၀ထုတ္ယူမွဳေၾကာင့္လူေနထုိင္မွဳဘ၀ထိခုိက္မွဳဒဏ္ေတြရယ္၊ ျပီေတာ့ သူတုိ.လယ္ေျမေတြကုိစစ္အစုိးရနဲ.တျခာအာဏာရွိသူတုိ.၏သိမ္းယူမွဳဒဏ္ေတြကုိပါ ခံေနၾကရပါတယ္၊

ႏုိင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းအေနနဲ.၎တုိ.၏ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡမ်ားကုိ မေမ့ဖုိ.အင္မတန္အေရးၾကီးပါတယ္၊ဒီကေန.ဟာ ဗမာျပည္မွာျပည္တြင္းဒုကၡသည္ ၅၀၀ ၀၀၀ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ရွိပါတယ္၊သူတုိ.အ မ်ားစုဟာ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ အဆင္းရဲဆုံးနဲ.အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရဆုံး လူမ်ဳိးေတြအထဲမွာ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ကရင္၊ကရင္နီ၊မြန္၊ရွမ္း လူမ်ဳိးေတြ ႏွင့္တျခားေသာလူနဲစုေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းဆယ္ခုတြင္ေနထုိင္ေနေသာ ဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္း ၁၅၀ ၀၀၀ ႏွင့္ (ဗမာျပည္မွအမ်ားစုျဖစ္ေသာ) ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားေပါင္း ႏွစ္သန္းခန္.တုိကုိလဲ စုိးရိမ္းမိပါတယ္၊

မၾကာမီရက္သတၱပတ္အတြင္းမွာ အစုိးရထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာေဒသေတြမွာလုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေသာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ႏွင့္ ေဒသဆုိင္ရာအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ားျဖင့္အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚေနသည့္ ျပည္တြင္းရွိ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမွဳစီမံကိန္ေတြကုိအလွဴေငြထပ္ေပးမည္ ဟူေသာကတိက၀တ္ကုိ ႏုုိင္ငံတကာအလွဴရွင္မ်ားက ဗမာျပည္အေျခအေနအေပၚတုံ.ျပန္သြားပါသည္၊ ဤတုံ.ျပန္ခ်က္ဟာလုံး၀သင့္ေလ်ာ္မွဳရွိတဲ့တုံ.ျပန္ခ်က္ပါ၊ တျခားတူညီသည့္ ဖြံ.ျဖဳိးမွဳ ႏွင့္ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးမွဳကုိေဖာ္ျပေနေသာႏုိင္ငံမ်ားနဲ.စားယင္ဗမာျပည္ဟာ လူတစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္အတြက္ႏုိင္ငံျခားအကူအညီရရွိမွဳ အလြန္နဲပါတယ္၊ ဗမာျပည္မွာ ဆင္းရဲတဲ့ လူအုပ္စုေတြအတြက္ ပစ္မွတ္ထားျပီး အကူအညီထပ္ေပးသင့္တယ္ ဆုိတာကုိ က်ေနာ္ ျငင္းခုံေနတာၾကာလွပါျပီ၊ ၎အကူအညီဟာ ေဒသဆုိင္ရာလူထုအေျချပဳအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား ကြန္ယက္နဲ.ဘဲျဖစ္စ္ ႏွင့္ က်န္းမာေရးႏွင့္ပညာေရးဌာန စသည့္သင့္ေလ်ာ္တဲ့ အစုိးရ ဌာနေတြနဲ.ဘဲျဖစ္စ္ လက္တြဲျပီးအေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚသင့္ပါတယ္၊

ထုိေသာ္ျငားလည္း၊ ဗမာျပည္ကိုေပးတဲ့ႏုိင္ငံတကာအကူအညီကေတာ့ အလဟႆသုညရလဒ္လွည့္ကြက္မျဖစ္သင့္ပါဘူး၊ ျပည္တြင္းရွိ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနသူမ်ားအား ေပးေနတဲ့အကူအညီကုိ နယ္စပ္ေဒသေတြမွာ ရွိတဲ့လူအုပ္စုေတြ၏ အသုံးစရိတ္ လုိ. မထည့္တြက္သင့္ဘူး၊ ဗမာျပည္အေရွ.ပုိင္း ႏွင့္ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံတြင္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္းအုိးအိမ္မဲ့သူမ်ားအတြက္ေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအကာအကြယ္ ႏွင့္အကူအညီေတြကုိ လုိအပ္ေနဆဲပါ၊
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သုိ.ေသာ္လည္းဘဲ၊ ထုိင္ႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကုိ ႏွစ္ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ ပံ့ပုိးကူညီေနျပီး ဗမာျပည္တြင္ အုိးအိမ္မဲ့သူမ်ား၏ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအာရုံစုိက္လာေအာင္ ညြန္းျပခဲ့ေသာ အစုိးရမဟုတ္ေသာႏုိင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား အတြက္ေတာ့ ဘ႑ာေငြအက်ပ္အတည္းေတြနဲ. အျပင္းအထန္ရင္ဆုိင္ေနၾကရပါတယ္၊

Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) အဖြဲ.ဟာ ဗမာျပည္မွ အုိးအိမ္မဲ့သူမ်ားအတြက္ အုိးအိမ္ မ်ားနဲ.အစားအစာမ်ားကုိေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနတဲ့ အဓိကတာ၀န္ရွိ အန္ဂ်ီအုိ အဖြဲ.ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္တြင္၊တီဘီဘီစီႏွင့္တျခားေသာအန္ဂ်ီအုိေတြအေနနဲ. အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား၊အလႊာစုံလူနဲစုမ်ား ႏွင့္ လက္ေရြစင္မဟုတ္ေသာ လူစုမ်ား အပုိင္းမွာ စခန္း၏ အုပ္ ခ်ဳပ္မွဳအေရးကုိ ပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္မွဳ ပုိးျပီး က်ယ္ျပန္.လာေအာင္ ဒုကၡသည္အဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား နဲ. ပူးေပါင္းလုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊

ယေန.ဆိုရင္ နယ္စပ္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအဖြဲ.ေတြက ”အေကာင္းဆုံးေလ့က်င့္မွဳ“ ဆုိတဲ့ စံနမူနာအျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ေနပါတယ္၊ စခန္းတြင္ ကုိယ္စားျပဳ ေသာ အဖြဲ.အစည္းအသီးသီးကေတာ့ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးအေထာက္အပံ့ပစၥည္းမ်ားျဖန္.ေ၀မွဳ၊ ႏွင့္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဳ ေတြအေပၚ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ဆုိင္တဲ့အဆင့္အတန္တစ္ခုကုိ ခံစားေနရျပီး ကမၻာတ၀ွမ္းရွိ ဒုကၡသည္အေျခအေနမ်ားတြင္ သာမန္ မ ဟုတ္ေသာအေျခအေနျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ထုိေသာ္ျငားလည္း၊ ၎တုိ.ေအာင္ျမင္မွဳမ်ားသည္၊ တျဖည္းျဖည္းနဲ.အႏၱရာယ္ဆုိက္ေရာက္ေနပါတယ္၊ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္၊ ေရရွည္ေငြေၾကးျပတ္ေတာက္မွဳေၾကာင့္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြကုိ ေပးေနတဲ့အေထာက္အပံ့ပစၥည္းမ်ား ျဖတ္ေတာက္ဖုိ.တီဘီဘီစီ အေနနဲ. ဖိအားေပခံေနရေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊

ထုိင္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တစ္ေလွ်ာက္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားနဲ.လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေသာတီဘီဘီစီ ႏွင့္ တျခားေသာအန္ဂ်ီအုိတုိ.အား ႏွစ္ရွည္ၾကာေထာက္ပံ့ေပးလာခဲ့တဲ့ အလွဴရွင္ေတြအေနနဲ့ဆက္လက္ျပီးေထာက္ပ့ံေပးသင့္ပါတယ္၊တတိယႏုိင္ငံသုိ.အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္မွဳ ဆုိတဲ့ “ၾကာရွည္ခံအေျဖ“ကုိဒုကၡသည္ဦးေရအေျမာက္အမ်ား ေခၚေဆာင္ေနပါသျဖင့္ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္အတြင္း စခန္းေတြ ပိတ္သြားႏိုင္ပါတယ္၊ ထုိအေတာအတြင္း၌၊ ဘာပဲျဖစ္စ္ေပါ့၊ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြမွာသြားေရာက္ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ရဖုိ.ထုိင္းအစုိးရအေနနဲ.ဘယ္ေလာက္ဘဲခက္ခက္ခဲခဲလုပ္ထားေစကာမူ ေထာင္နဲ.ခ်ီေသာလူေတြက နယ္စပ္ေဒသသုိ. လစဥ္ စုရုံးေရာက္ရွိလာေနတုန္ပဲ၊

ဗမာျပည္တြင္ျပည္တြင္းစစ္သည္၊ ၁၉၉၀ ႏွစ္ေႏွာင္ပုိင္းမွာ ေနာက္ဆုံးအခန္သုိ.ေရာက္သြားပါတယ္၊ နအဖနဲ.တုိက္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ေသာ က်န္ရွိတဲ့လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ.အနည္းငယ္တုိ.ဟာ အလြန္ဆုိးရြားေသာ အေျခအေနနဲ.ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရျပီး သူတုိ.ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားေသာနယ္ေျမေအာက္မွာေနထုိင္ေနသည့္ ျပည္သူလူထုေတြက ယခင္ကထက္ ပုိျပီး အႏၱရာယ္ဆုိက္ေရာက္ေနပါတယ္၊ ေၾကာက္မက္ဖြယ္ေကာင္းေသာ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ရွိ လူသားခ်င္းအေျခအေနမ်ား၊ ဗမာျပည္တြင္း၊ျပည္ပမွအုိးအိမ္းမဲ့သူမ်ား၊ ႏွင့္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား က်ေနာ္တုိ.၏ ဆက္လက္ေထာက္ပံ့မွဳကုိထုိက္ထုိက္တန္တန္ေပးၾကပါ၊ နယ္စပ္ေျမေပၚက လူေတြရဲ့ ၾကာရွည္ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡေတြကုိ ပစ္ထားဖုိ.အခ်ိန္မေရာက္ေသးဘူး၊၊


Crisis on the Burma border

The brutal and ongoing suppression of the "saffron revolution" has refocused international attention on the appalling human rights and political situation in Burma.
Published on December 20, 2007
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. Civilised people have been shocked by the images of Buddhist monks and other civilians being arrested and killed in Rangoon and other cities.

Understandably, revulsion at the actions of the SPDC regime has led to calls for firm action to be taken against the generals who have mismanaged Burma for nearly half a century (since the military takeover of 1962).

The challenge facing the international community is how to persuade the junta to better respect the human, civil and political rights of citizens. Whether this requires reform of the military government - and some kind of gradual transition to democracy - or a more abrupt form of regime change is debatable. What is clear, however, is that Burma needs change - and soon.

In the meantime, for people in rural areas, not much has changed. Communities continue to be subject to a range of abuses committed by the Burmese military and government, and sometimes by armed non-state groups. The situation is especially difficult for ethnic people in areas affected by armed conflict, or who are threatened by the construction of large-scale infrastructure projects such as dams, and whose livelihoods have been undermined by natural resource extraction (logging and mining), or because their land has been confiscated by the army or other powerful actors.

It is of the utmost importance that the international community does not forget the plight of these people. Today in Burma, more than 500,000 internally displaced people (IDPs), most of whom come from the Karen, Karenni, Mon, Shan and other minority groups, are among the most oppressed and needy people in the country. Also of concern are 150,000 refugees living in ten camps in Thailand, as well as some two million migrant workers in the kingdom (most of whom also come from Burma).

In recent weeks, some international donors have responded to the situation in Burma by committing additional money to humanitarian projects inside the country, implemented by international and local agencies working in government-controlled areas. This is an entirely appropriate response. Burma receives much less foreign aid per capita than other countries with similar development and poverty indicators. I have long argued that more aid should be targeted at needy groups in Burma, and that assistance projects should be implemented in partnership with local civil society networks, and - where appropriate - with some state agencies, such as the departments of health and education.

However, foreign aid to Burma should not be seen as a zero-sum game. Assistance to vulnerable groups inside the country should not be provided at the expense of communities in the border zones. Refugees and IDPs in eastern Burma and Thailand remain in need of international protection and assistance. However, the international NGOs which have for over two decades supplied the refugee camps in Thailand, and directed international awareness of the plight of IDPs in Burma, are currently experiencing a serious funding crisis.

The Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) is the main NGO responsible for providing food and shelter to displaced people from Burma. Over the past few years, the TBBC and other NGOs have worked with the refugee communities to ensure a greater degree of participation in the governance of the camps, on the part of women and various minority and non-elite groups.
Today, the refugee regime on the border stands as an example of "best practice": the various communities represented in the camps enjoy a degree of ownership over administration and the distribution of relief supplies, which is unusual in refugee situations around the world. However, these achievements are in danger of being undermined, as the TBBC is being forced to cut supplies to the refugee camps due to a chronic lack of funding.

The donors who have for so many years supported the TBBC and other NGOs working with refugees along the Thailand border should continue to do so. With increasingly large numbers of refugees taking up the "durable solution" of resettlement in third countries, the camps may be closed within a decade. In the meantime however, thousands of people still flock to the border every month - although the Thai authorities are making it increasingly difficult for them to gain access to the refugee camps.

Since the late 1990s, the civil war in Burma has entered its final stage. The few remaining armed groups still at war with the SPDC are facing a desperate situation, and the civilian populations living in areas under their influence or control are more vulnerable than ever. Given the dire humanitarian situation along the border, IDPs and refugees in and from Burma deserve our continued support. Now is not the time to abandon the long-suffering people of the borderlands.

Ashley South

Ashley South is the author of several books and reports on Burma.
(၆၉) ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ဗုိလ္ေအာင္ေက်ာ္က်ဆုံးေန.အတြက္ ဗကသ ထုတ္ျပန္ေက်ညာခ်က္

စိတ္ဓါတ္က်ေသာကမီးပူးေလာင္ေနေသာ ေမာင္သန္းေရႊ နဲ့ မရုိသားတဲ့မ်က္လုံးအၾကည့္နဲ.ေမာင္ေရႊမန္း တုိ.ရဲ.မ်က္ႏွာမ်ား ေတြ.ရွိရ၊ ေမာင္ေအး တစ္ေယာက္မီဒီယာစင္ေပၚမွာေပ်ာက္ေန၊


Wednesday, December 19, 2007

နအဖ ပစ္ခတ္၍ ဒီေကဘီေအ စစ္သား(၅)ဦး က်ဆုံး

ကာအုိ၀ါအုိ မြန္သတင္းဌာန

Tuesday, December 18, 2007

မြန္ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳ ျပတုိက္နာမည္ေျပာင္းခံရ

December 18, 2007

A Conversation With Alan Rabinowitz

Zoologist Gives a Voice to Big Cats in the Wilderness

Among zoologists, Alan Rabinowitz is known as the Indiana Jones of wildlife conservation. But he is actually more the Dag Hammarskjold of biology.
That is because Dr. Rabinowitz, executive director of science and exploration at the Wildlife Conservation Society, is a kind of international diplomat for big cats — jaguars, leopards, pumas.
For 20 years, he has traveled the world, imploring the power elite of democracies and dictatorships to dedicate large parcels as reserves for these imperiled felines.
Rudy Washington/ The New York
Times, Alan Rabinowitz and Siber
tigers at the Bronx Zoo
In the 1980s, he persuaded the leaders of Belize to establish the world’s first jaguar preserve. More recently, this Brooklyn-born biologist prevailed on the junta in Myanmar to transform 8,400 square miles of forest into the Hukawng Valley Tiger Reserve.

Dr. Rabinowitz, 53, recounts his Burmese adventures in a new book, “Life in the Valley of Death: The Fight to Save Tigers in the Land of Guns, Gold and Greed” (Island Press). An edited version of a two-hour conversation in New York follows.

Q. With so many of the world’s animals in danger, why do you mostly advocate for big cats?

On the search for tigers in Burma's
Hu Kwang Valley
A. Because cats get to the human psyche. People love big cats. If I go to a government and say, “If you don’t do something quickly, you’re going to lose your tigers,” they listen. If I say, “You’re about to lose all your wolves,” they won’t care. But leopards, tigers, jaguars — people have a huge admiration for them,

My real goal is to save large sections of pristine wilderness for all types of wildlife. One way to do that is to make sure that the top predators have enough safe territory to thrive in. Because big cats need so much territory, when you save them, you’re really saving whole ecosystems and you’re saving the other animals down on the food chain. This is what’s called the “apex predator strategy” in conservation.

The other thing I’ve seen is that no government, even if they are doing a lot of development, wants to lose their big cats. Even when you’re talking to the most authoritarian of dictators, none of them wants to be the guy at the helm when the last of his country’s tigers go extinct.

Q. How does a conservationist negotiate with dictators? Do you employ special strategies?

A. I don’t go in with a plan. I just talk from my heart. These guys, they are used to people coming to them with hidden agendas. I think they can see that I don’t have any other than the wildlife.

When I first went to Burma-Myanmar, for instance, there wasn’t a lot of trust there (laughs). I was told, “You don’t look like a scientist.” But the situation for the Burmese tiger was desperate. Between habitat destruction and hunting, they were almost gone. We did surveys, and in a lot of areas where tigers were supposed to be, you saw none. I was pretty blunt about that.

Sometimes, personal things worked for me. In 2003, I was diagnosed with a slow-growing form of leukemia. Some of the toughest leaders in the Burmese military, they just couldn’t fathom why anyone with cancer was repeatedly coming to their country and going into the jungle when in their mind I should be meditating or having a more easy life. “So what if I have cancer?” I told them. “The tigers still have to have a home.” I think my personal situation helped win some trust.

Q. Because of gross human-rights violations, the military government of Myanmar is under economic sanctions from the United States. There are people who wonder how you could work with such a government. What’s your answer?

A. Tigers have no control over what human governments they live under. If we’re going to draw lines on what is an acceptable political landscape for saving wildlife, where can we work? Wildlife always ends up taking a back seat to what’s going on among humans — always. If we’re going to save wildlife, I’ve got to give it a front seat. Nothing we do hurts the people of Burma.

But if I based conservation on what I considered moral subjectivity, I’d be doing the wildlife no favor. And we’d be virtually guaranteeing the extermination of tigers from Burma. They’ve been almost hunted out for their skins and for the traditional-medicine trade.

Q. How are the tigers faring since the preserve was established?

A. Tigers don’t come back so quickly. When you’re down to very low numbers, you have to get a male and female just even meeting. With so few, it’s not easy for them to find each other. Even when you get them meeting, the young stay with the female for about three years. She doesn’t breed again until those young leave her. So if the tigers are coming back, we won’t know it for a few more years.

For the meanwhile — since hunting has been banned and since we’ve started some economic development projects for the local people — there’s been an increase in the prey-species that tigers eat: wild pigs and sambar deer. We’ve set up “camera traps” on animal trails where you can photograph everything that passes. We haven’t seen a lot of tigers yet.

Q. We understand that you’ve been trying to negotiate with the North Koreans to set up a wildlife sanctuary.

A. In the Demilitarized Zone, yes. We think there are a lot of animals in there. It’s forested. And because it’s so heavily fortified, there isn’t human settlement. We reached out to the North Koreans. We thought, why not make the DMZ into a peace park?

We first approached the North Koreans years ago to try to study the Siberian tiger that migrates into there. They wouldn’t let any Americans in. We were able to get one British scientist to visit their capital city, a birdwatcher. They never allowed him out of the city. There’s no story to tell there.

Q. What originally drew you to conservation?

A. As a child, I had this horrific stutter. In school, I was put in what was called the retarded classes. I was very angry that people couldn’t see past the stuttering. From the second grade on, I stopped talking, except to the little green turtle and the chameleon I kept at home.

Talking to the animals, I realized they had feelings. I didn’t know if they understood me. But I saw that they were exactly like me. They weren’t broken, but people mistreated them because they can’t communicate. I thought if these animals had a voice, people wouldn’t be able to crush them and throw them away. When I was a child, I promised the animals that if I ever got my voice back, I’d be their voice.

It makes me feel whole, knowing that I’m allowing more animals to live in this world. Every time I set up a protected area, I feel I’m paying them back for helping me speak. When we got Hukawng established, I thought, all those turtles, otters and tigers, they now have a chance to live.
၂၀၀၇ ႏွစ္အေမရိကန္ဘာသာေရးသတင္းထုိက္တန္သူမ်ားဆုအတြက္ ျမန္မာရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံရ

18 December 2007 07-0979

Myanmar monks named top US religion newsmakers in 2007

New York (ENI). Buddhist monks who led anti-government demonstrations in Myanmar (formerly Burma) have been selected as the top religion newsmakers of the year, in a poll of secular journalists who write about religion for media in the United States.

ကုိးကားတဲ့ သတင္း ENI NEWS

Monday, December 17, 2007

ကရင္ရြာသားမ်ားစပါးရိတ္သိမ္းခြင့္ကုိ နအဖစစ္အစုိးရ ကန္.သတ္

Friday, December 14, 2007

နအဖ၏ ကရင္လူထုတရပ္လုံးအေပၚ ထုိးစစ္ဆင္ေနျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံေက်ာင္းသား
လူငယ္မ်ားကြန္ဂရက္ (SYCB) ၏သေဘာထားထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္

Thursday, December 13, 2007

အေမရိကန္ ပန္းပုဆရာက မင္းကိုႏိုင္ ႐ုပ္တု ထုလုပ္ဂုဏ္ျပဳ

ဧရာ၀တီ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၁၃၊ ၂၀၀၇

အေမရိကန္ ပန္းပုဆရာ ဂ်င္မ္ မက္နာလိစ္ (Jim McNalis) က သူ၏ ေနာက္ဆံုး ႀကိဳးပမ္းခ်က္အျဖစ္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနသူ မင္းကိုႏိုင္၏ ကိုယ္တပိုင္း႐ုပ္တုကို ထုလုပ္ဂုဏ္ျပဳၿပီး လူကိုယ္တိုင္ လက္ေဆာင္ေပးရန္ စဥ္းစားထားသည္။




သူ၏ ဖေလာ္ရီဒါရွိ စတူဒီယိုခန္းထဲ၌ ခရီးထြက္ရန္ အိတ္မ်ား၊ အထုပ္အပိုးမ်ား ထုပ္ပိုးျပင္ဆင္ ေနဆဲတြင္ မင္းကိုႏိုင္ ျပန္လည္အဖမ္းခံလိုက္ရေၾကာင္း မက္နာလိစ္ ၾကားလိုက္ရသည္။ အခ်ိန္က ရန္ကုန္တြင္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ဆႏၵျပပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္လာေတာ့မည့္ ကနဦးလႈပ္ရွားမႈကာလ ျဖစ္သည္။

“ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ရန္ကုန္ကိုေတာ့ ေရာက္ေအာင္ က်ေနာ္သယ္သြားမယ္”ဟု မက္ နာလိစ္က ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံတြင္ မင္းကိုႏိုင္ႏွင့္ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကိုင္ဖက္ သူငယ္ခ်င္းမ်ားကို ေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။ “ဘယ္လိုပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ သူ႔မိသားစုကေတာ့ ႀကိဳက္မွာပဲ။ က်ေနာ့္အေနနဲ႔ တကယ့္သတၱိခဲ လူသားတဦးကို က်ေနာ္ၾကည္ညိဳတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ျပလို႔ရတာေပါ့” ဟုလည္း မက္နာလိစ္က ဆုိသည္။

အလားတူ ေခါင္းေဆာင္အမ်ားစု၏ ပံုတူ႐ုပ္တုမ်ားလည္း မက္နာလိစ္ ဖန္တီးခဲ့ဖူးသည္။ ဥပမာအားျဖင့္ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဘိုျမ၊ မႏၱေလးမွ ႏုတ္ခမ္းေမြးညီအစ္ကို လူရႊင္ေတာ္မ်ား၏ ပံုမ်ားကို ထုလုပ္ခဲ့ဖူးသည္။ သူက ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီးသန္းေရႊ၏ ႐ုပ္ေျပာင္ ကိုယ္တပိုင္းပံုကိုပင္ ထုလုပ္ခဲ့ဖူးေသးသည္။

မက္နာလိစ္သည္ ေဟာလိ၀ုဒ္ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ေလာကတြင္ နာမည္ႀကီး အႏုပညာပစၥည္းမ်ား ဖန္တီးသူတဦးျဖစ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယခုအခါ သူ၏ လုပ္အားႏွင့္ အႏုပညာ ဖန္တီးမႈအမ်ားစုကို ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရးအတြက္သာ အားသြန္၍ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနခဲ့သည္။ မင္းကိုႏိုင္ကဲ့သို႔ေသာ သူရဲေကာင္းမ်ားက သူ႔ကို စိတ္ဓာတ္ခြန္အားေပးႏိုင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ဧရာ၀တီသို႔ ေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။

မင္းကိုႏိုင္ထံသို႔ေရးသည့္ သူ၏စာတြင္ “လူသားတို႔၏ စိတ္ဓာတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ ျမင့္ျမတ္မႈတန္ဖိုးဟု က်ေနာ္ရည္ၫႊန္း ေခၚဆို လိုသည့္ ထူးျခားထင္ရွားလွသည့္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္း၀င္မ်ားက က်ေနာ့္အေပၚ အေလးေပး အာ႐ံုထားခဲ့ၾကသည့္အတြက္ ၀မ္းသာ ရသလို ဂုဏ္လည္း ယူမိပါသည္” ဟု ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။

“က်ေနာ္တို႔သည္ အမွန္အတိုင္း ျပဳမူက်င့္ႀကံရပါမည္။ အမွန္တရားအတြက္ စံနမူနာမ်ား ျဖစ္ရပါမည္။ အခ်င္းခ်င္း အျပန္ အလွန္ သက္၀င္ယံုၾကည္မႈ ရွိၾကဖို႔လိုပါသည္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔၏ အရည္အခ်င္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ခြန္အားမ်ားကို တရားမွ်တမႈႏွင့္ လူ႔ အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားအတြက္ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနၾကေသာ က်ေနာ္တို႔၏ ညီအစ္ကို ေမာင္ႏွမမ်ားအတြက္ ကူညီပံ့ပိုးေပးႏိုင္ဖုိ႔ သံုးစြဲၾက ရန္လည္း က်ေနာ္တို႔ကိုယ္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုၾကရပါလိမ့္မည္”ဟု လည္း ၎က ဆိုသည္။

မက္နာလိစ္က “ဤ႐ုပ္တုကို ျမန္မာျပည္သူတို႔ကိုယ္စား သင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့သမွ်ေသာ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားအားလံုးအတြက္ ေထာက္ခံ ပံ့ပိုးမႈအျဖစ္၊ က်ေနာ္၏ ၾကည္ညိဳေလးစားမႈ ျပယုဂ္အျဖစ္ လက္ခံပါရန္”ဟု မင္းကိုႏိုင္သို႔ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခဲ့ေသးသည္။

“တေန႔ေန႔ တခ်ိန္ခ်ိန္တြင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဆံုစည္းႏိုင္ၾကလိမ့္မည္ဟု ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါသည္” ဟုလည္း သူေရးခဲ့သည္။
“ဒီလို ေန႔ရက္မ်ဳိးက ဘယ္အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္လာမွာလဲေတာ့ က်ေနာ္မသိပါဘူး” ဟု သူက ဧရာ၀တီသို႔ ေျပာခဲ့သည္။ “ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမိုကေရစီရတဲ့ တေန႔ေပါ့”ဟုလည္း သူကမွန္းဆ၍ ေျပာဆိုသြားသည္။
[Top]၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလထုတ္ ဧရာ၀တီမဂၢဇင္းမွ US Sculptor Honors Min Ko Naing ကို ဆီေလ်ာ္ေအာင္ ျပန္ဆိုေဖာ္ျပပါသည္။

Wednesday, December 12, 2007

Yawdserk: We must return to Panglong

by admin — last modified 2007-12-13 04:33 (Shan Herald News Agency)

On 7 December, SHAN interviewed Col Yawdserk, Chairman of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and Commander-in-Chief of the Shan State Army (SSA) South, at his base in Loi Taileng. The following are excerpts:

On the September crackdownBurma has been an ash-covered cinder for a long time. It only needs something to blow away the ashes so the flames are rekindled. The generals, by their brutal suppression, only managed to cover the cinder again with ashes, but if they think the fire has been doused, they are deadly wrong.

Col Yawdserk
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Opposition solidarity
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One significant result of the September incident is that the Burman democratic movements and the non-Burman ethnic nationalities have become more united. However, we are totally united only on the questions of the overthrow of SPDC and the restoration of democracy. We still need to work together harder on the question of federalism. Perhaps it should be put off until the SPDC relinquishes its power.
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UN role
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What the UN and its envoy Ibrahim Gambari should bear in mind is that the genesis of today’s Burma is Panglong (when Aung San signed treaty with non-Burmans in 1947 for a union where each state would enjoy full autonomy, democracy and human rights). It was because the Burmese military could not swallow Panglong that all the present problems had started and have worsened each day. A new Burma cannot arise out of the ashes until and unless all those concerned return to Panglong.

The Military holding the country together?

That is a very mistaken view. You cannot hold the country together without the consent of the people. If they could hold it together, why did the people vote for the NLD, SNLD and others in 1990? What’s new in the upcoming annual RCSS meetingWe are going to include representatives of each village tract in the Council. The aim is 4-fold:

To report to the Council any excesses committed by members of the resistance
To propose development projects for their respective localities
To advise the Council
To participate in the decision making
ၾကံ.ဖြတ္အဖြဲကုိ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အစုိးရ တာ၀န္ယူထားေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနတဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားအဖြဲ.အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ေပးရန္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားေကာင္စီက ကုလသမဂၢလုံျခဳံေရးေကာင္စီကုိ တုိက္တြန္း၊
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UNSC Urged to Brand USDA As State Sponsored Terrorist Organization
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Chinland Guardian
December 12, 2007
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Geneva: Burma ’s ethnic nationalities representative urged the United Nations Security Council UNSC to brand Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) an organization establish and supported by Burma ’s ruling military junta State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) as state sponsored terrorist organization during the Sixth Session of United Nations Human Rights Council being held in Geneva .

Dr. Sui Khar foreign affairs secretary for the Ethnic Nationalities Council of Union of Burma (ENC) took the floor introducing his organization to the UN Human Rights Council saying that the ENC is representing seven ethnic states in the Union of Burma to establish democratic federal union based on equality, and that ENC is legitimate and credible organization to speak on behalf of all ethnic states in Union of Burma because the ENC members includes all groups in each state.

Taking up the floor on behalf of Netherlands based International Work Group for Indigenous Peoples (IWGIP), Dr. Sui Khar, made a statement at the ongoing UN Human Rights Council urging that the United Nations Security Council must brand the USDA as state sponsored terrorist organization based on their involvement in the past and recent military crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in Burma.

“Looking at their activities the USDA clearly meet the standard of state sponsored terrorist organization. The USDA was created and they are actively participated in the assassination attempt upon Aung San Suu Kyi during Depeyin massacre, intimidating and insulting pro-democracy parties and activists for the past several years, and their active role in recent crackdown in Burma ” said Dr. Sui Khar.

On the previous day, the SPDC ambassador to the UN made a statement saying that “People all over the country have been holding peaceful mass rallies within the bound to welcome the successful conclusion of National Convention as well as the establishment of Commission for drafting of the state constitution and to demonstrate their aversion of the present provocative events.”

During his oral intervention today at the UN Human Rights Council, Dr. Sui Khar rebutted that the SPDC’s ambassador statement was not true. “In fact these people were forcibly dragged by order to participate in the rallies otherwise imposed a huge fine which is more than their one month income.

Dr. Sui Khar also urged the UN Human Rights Council that the SPDC must halt all military offensives against ethnic nationalities groups in Burma . In Karen state alone more than 20 thousands refugee fled their home with in this year due to human rights violations committed by the military regime.
ေနာက္က်တဲ့ေျခေတာက္သစၥာေဖာက္
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ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၂ ရက္၊ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္။ (သတင္းႏွင့္မီဒီယာကြန္ယက္မွ)

စက္တင္ဘာ အေရးအခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီးေနာက္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာဖိအား ႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္း၌ ဆႏၵျပမႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚလာရန္ အေျခ အေနမ်ားက ဖန္လာေနသျဖင့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဴပ္မွဴးႀကီးသည္ ယေနည ၈ နာရီတြင္ စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဴပ္ေရးရပ္စဲေၾကာင္း ေၾကျငာ လိုက္ရသည္။

ေနာက္တေန႕ မနက္ေစာေစာ အိပ္ယာမွ ႏိုးလာေသာအခါ ဇနီးသည္ကိုလည္း မေတြ႕ သားသမီးေျမးမ်ားကို မ ေတြ႕၍ အိမ္ေဂဟာျပတင္းေပါက္မွ အျပင္ကို ၾကည့္လိုက္ေသာ အခါတြင္လည္း အိမ္ေတာ္၀န္းတ၀ိုက္ အေစာင့္ မ်ားလည္း ရွင္းေနသည္၊ တိတ္ဆိတ္ေနသည္၊ အိမ္ေတာ္၀န္းအျပင္ဘက္ ခပ္ေ၀းေ၀းတြင္သာ ကားသံမ်ား ဆူညံ စြာ ၾကားေနရသည္၊

ရုတ္တရက္ တယ္လီဖုန္းသံ က်ယ္ေလာင္စြာျမည္လာ၍ ေကာက္ကိုင္လိုက္ရာ …….
“ဟဲလို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဴပ္မွဴးႀကီးလားခင္ဗ်ာ က်ေနာ္ေရႊမန္းပါ ေနေကာင္းရဲ့လား”
“ေကာင္းပါတယ္ ဒါနဲ႕ဘာေတြျဖစ္ကုန္တာတံုး ငါဘာမွနားမလည္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူး --- တေယာက္မွလည္း မရွိေတာ့ဘူး”

“အေျခအေနကို ပိုေနၿမဲ က်ားေနၿမဲ ထိမ္းထားရင္ရေသးတယ္လို႕ ဒါမွက်ေနာ္တို႕ ေျပးဖို႕အတြက္ ျပင္ ဆင္ခ်ိန္ရမွာလို႕ အခုေတာ့ တပ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းက အားလံုးေျပးကုန္ၾကၿပီေလ”

“ေဟ့! မထင္တာေတြ အားလံုးျဖစ္ကုန္ပါကေကာလား။ ဒါဆို မင္းနဲ႕ငါ ႏွစ္ေယာက္ထဲပဲ က်န္ေတာ့တာ ေပါ့ ဟုတ္လား”

“ဟင့္အင္း ---- က်ေနာ္ ပီကင္း ကေန ဆက္ေနတာ”
မူးယစ္ေဆးထုတ္လုပ္မႈတြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္အရာရိွမ်ားပါ၀င္ဟု တိုင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္အဖဲြ႕ ဆို
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ခြန္ေအာင္ျမတ္။ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၂ ရက္၊ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္။(သတင္းႏွင့္မီဒီယာကြန္ယက္မွ)
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ရွမ္းျပည္ေတာင္ပုိင္းတြင္ ဘိန္းစိမ္းႏွင့္ ဘိန္းျဖဴ အမ်ားအျပား ဖမ္းဆီးရမိခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း စစ္အရာရိွႀကီးမ်ား ပါ၀င္ ပတ္သက္ေန၍ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ျခင္းမရိွဘဲ လွ်ိ႕၀ွက္ထားခဲ့သည္ဟု တုိင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ား ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ ရြက္ေရးအဖြဲ႕(ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ)က ယေန႕ အစီရင္ခံစာ ထုတ္ျပန္သည္။

ဖမ္းဆီးရမိေသာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးမ်ားမွာ ၃တန္ခန္႕ရိွၿပီး ရွမ္းျပည္ေတာင္ပိုင္းတြင္ အႀကီးမားဆံုး ဖမ္းဆီးရမိျခင္းျဖစ္ သည္ဟု ယင္းအစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ကာလတန္ဖိုးမွာ က်ပ္သိန္း ႏွစ္ေထာင့္ငါးရာခန္႕ ရွိသည့္ ယင္းမူးယစ္ေဆးမ်ားကို ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ မူးယစ္အဖဲြ႕ က လြန္ခဲ့သည့္လ ၄ရက္ႏွင့္ ၈ရက္ေန႕တြင္ ဆီဆုိင္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ လြယ္ေမာေတာင္ ထီတမ္းေက်းရြာအနီးရိွ ဘိန္းခ်က္ စက္ရံုမွ ဖမ္းဆီးရမိျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ယင္းစက္ရံုသည္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရထံ လက္နက္ခ်သြားေသာ ရွမ္းျပည္လူမ်ဳိးေပါင္းစံု လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႕(ရလ လဖ) အဖြဲ႕၏ ဥကၠဌေဟာင္းျဖစ္သူ ဦးခ်စ္ေမာင္ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္သည့္ ေဒသတြင္တည္ရိွၿပီး ဘိန္းစိုက္ပ်ိဳးထုတ္လုပ္မႈ တြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္အရာရိွမ်ား ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္ ေနသည္ဟု အစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ေဖာ္ျပသည္။

ယင္းဖမ္းဆီးမႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ပအို၀္းအမ်ဳိးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးဖြဲ႕၏ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမွဴး ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီး ခြန္သူရိန္က ယခုလို သံုးသပ္သည္။

“ထန္းယန္းေက်းရြာရဲ႕ အေရွ႕ဖက္ နည္းနည္းသြားက်မွာေပါ့ အဲဒီေနရာမွာက ထီတမ္းလို႕ ေခၚတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ဘိန္းခ်က္စခန္းတခုမိတယ္လို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕ အဲလိုမ်ဳိးၾကားရတယ္။ အဲလိုဟာကို က်ေနာ္တို႕ ၾကည့္လုိက္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အဲဒီဟာေတြဟာ သူတို႕နဲ႕ မပတ္သက္ရင္ တျခားလူနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္စရာ အ ေၾကာင္းမရွိဘူးလို႕က်ေနာ္တို႕က ဒီလိုပဲသံုးသပ္တယ္။ေနာက္ထပ္တခုကေတာ့ အစိုးရအေနနဲ႕ စစ္တပ္ အေနနဲ႕ မပါ၀င္လာဘူး ဆိုတာကလည္းပဲ က်ေနာ္တို႕ ေျပာလို႕မရေတာ့ဘူး။ ဘာျဖစ္လို႕လဲဆိုေတာ့ သူတို႕မိေနတဲ့ ေနရာနဲ႕ အဲဒီ အမွတ္ (၄၂၅) (၄၂၆) တပ္ရင္း ထိုင္တဲ့ ေနရာက ငါးမုိင္ ၀န္းက်င္ပဲ ရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီတပ္နယ္ အေတာတြင္း အဲဒီပတ္လည္မွာပဲ ရွိေနတယ္ဆိုေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္က်ေတာ့ ဒါကို က်ေနာ္တို႕ ၾကည့္လုိက္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အဲဒီေနရာမွာ မူးယစ္ေဆး၀ါးခ်က္တဲ့ စက္ရံုေပၚလာႏုိင္တာက အဲဒီမွာ ရွိေနတဲ့ ေဒသခံ အာဏာပိုင္၊ ေနာက္ အစိုးရတပ္ေတြေရာ၊ ရဲေတြေရာ မပါ၀င္ မပတ္သက္လို႕ ကေတာ့ အဲဒီေနရာမွာ လုပ္လို႕ မရဘူးလို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕ အဲဒီလိုပဲ သံုးသပ္ပါတယ္။ ”

ျမန္မာအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဘိန္းခ်က္စက္ရံုအေစာင့္ ထီတမ္းရြာသား ဦးပညာ (ေခၚ) တေလာ ဆိုသူကို ဖမ္းဆီး ထားၿပီး စက္ရံုပိုင္ရွင္အျဖစ္ ယူဆရေသာ ခြန္ခ်စ္ေအာင္( ဥကၠဌေဟာင္း ဦးခ်စ္ေမာင္၏ သား)မွာ တိမ္းေရွာင္ေန ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ လက္နက္ခ် ရလလဖ ဥကၠဌေဟာင္း ဦးခ်စ္ေမာင္ႏွင့္သား ခြန္ခ်စ္ေအာင္တို႕သည္ အေရွ႕ပိုင္းတိုင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွ စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာမွဴး-ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီးျမ၀င္းကို လစဥ္ က်ပ္သိန္း (၅၀) ၊ ေဒသခံ တပ္ရင္းမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ခမရ(၄၂၅)ႏွင့္ ခမရ (၄၂၆) တပ္ရင္းတို႔ကို လစဥ္ က်ပ္သိန္း (၃၀)စီ ေပးသြင္းေနရေၾကာင္း အစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ ပါရွိ သည္။

ဦးခ်စ္ေမာင္အဖြဲ႕သည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ေမလအေစာပိုင္းက ရလလဖ ဗဟိုဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ေနာင္ေထာင္၀္မွ ထြက္ခြာခဲ့ၿပီး နအဖထံ လက္နက္ခ်ခဲ့သည္။

လြန္ခဲ့ေသာအပတ္က ရွမ္းျပည္အေရွ႕ပိုင္းတြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ မူးယစ္အဖဲြ႕က ဘိန္းခင္း ၁၅၀ခန္႕ေတြ႕ရိွ ဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့သည္ဟု ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ယခုဖမ္းဆီးရမႈကို ေဖာ္ျပျခင္းမရိွခဲ့ေပ။
ဗမာျပည္တြင္ ရန္သူနယ္စပ္ေနာက္ကြယ္မွာ

In Shanland: Behind Enemy Lines in Burma

Recently, I went into Burma to do a story with the Shan State Army, a rebel group fighting the Burmese government. The government doesn’t allow any journalists into the country.

Behind Enemy Lines in Burma

By Antonio Graceffo

Recently, I went into Burma to do a story with the Shan State Army, a rebel group fighting the Burmese government. The government doesn’t allow any journalists into the country.
They control the internet and citizens have to use a thumb-print reader if they want to logon. They control the phones, mail, and cable TV. Basically the only news that can get in or out of Burma is by people crossing illegally, under the protection of one of the tribal armies.When I lived in the Muay Thai monastery, above Chiangrai, with Pra Kruh Ba a few years ago, there were a lot of Shan monks. Shan are even more religious than Thais and close to 100% of Shan boys will serve as monks at some point in their lives.
At that time, I discovered that I really liked the Shan people. They aren’t a tribe in the sense of some of the other tribes I have written about. They are an ethnic minority, if you can call 10 million people a minority. They have had their own government and their own state for centuries. Originally they had a Shan king. Later, the country was divided into states with each state being ruled by a prince. That was still the system, going into World War II and after. The last princes were either murdered by the government, or forced to abandon Shan State in the 1960s.
They are incredibly intelligent people and school is the number one priority. Even in the face of the horrible atrocities committed against them, they struggle to find a way to send their children to school in Thailand or send them to monastery schools, where they can study with monks.
Most of the important leaders of the revolution are former monks. I hit it off well with the Shan soldiers and civilians.
I met Colonel Yawd Serk, the commander of the army, and he asked me to wear the uniform, and teach Kung Fu to the soldiers and teach English to the children at the school. There are nearly 1,000 students at the school.
Two hundred and fifty of them are orphans. Their parents were killed by the Burmese army. Some of them walked for months through the jungle to arrive at the army base and live in safety.
There are children as young as ten years old who made that journey alone, or carrying a younger brother or sister. There are others who had to make the horrific choice of leaving a small sibling behind.Once they arrive at the base, in Loi Tailang, they are no longer in Burma and not yet in Thailand.
They are in Shanland, an island of freedom and Shan culture, surrounded by war. One of my friends at Loi Tailang, Kawn Wan, who group up in the orphanage and now teaches English and Kung Fu to the children said, “We have people. We have land. We have a government. We have an army. We have everything except a country.”
The Shan State is asking for recognition throughout the world, to be independent of Burma. “I you ask even the smallest children in the orphanage,” Said Kawn Wan, “He will tell you his greatest wish is just to go home.”
The people of Loi Tailang can’t go home until the war is over and Shanland is independent. And even then, with their villages burned, and their families murdered, what could they go home to? “Someday, we will be able to issue you a visa to Shanland.”
The Lieutenant told me.Staying with the Shan in the jungle made me realize how much I liked them. They had almost nothing, but they shared, always giving me the best food, the best sleeping place, and the warmest clothing. It is unfair that they held no passport, had no freedom, and that they had suffered so much.
I came back to Chiang Mai to write my stories and drop off my video tapes before going back up the mountain. I really missed the Shan when I was in town. I went back and my second trip was even better than the first.
I began concentrating on filming interviews with Shan people, recently arrived at Doi Tailang, documenting human rights abuses perpetrated by the SPDC, the Burmese Junta. The situation of the Shan people is so sad.
The Burmese government burns down whole villages. They rape the girls, murder the men, and take the boys to be in the army. They force villagers to work as porters, unpaid for periods of anywhere from twenty days to a year.
One man told me he had been a forced porter, a slave, for four years. The porters are barely fed, frequently beaten, and when they collapse they are executed. The SPDC soldiers use Shan people as shields.
They stand behind a Shan man, put a gun over his shoulder, and march into battle. The Shan Army base has several thousand residents. It is like a small city with a school, a hospital, a temple, shops, and restaurants.
It is the only place where villagers are safe. The children go to school and study their own language plus Thai, Burmese, and English.My new work partners when I am up there are a group of about six guys who graduated from a Shan college in Thailand.
To even go there they had to sneak into Thailand illegally and hope that they were never discovered by immigration police. The nine month intensive course was taught all in English and open to the best and brightest of all of the tribes living in Shan State: including Lahu, Pa-O, and Shan.
The students had courses in world affairs, politics, and social studies. They knew more about the outside world than most Thai kids of the same age who lived under unrestricted freedom.
(Technically Thailand is also under martial law, but it is a very pusy version of martial law that doesn’t affect anything.)These kids are incredibly bright. In some ways, they lack maturity you would see in twenty year-olds in the west.
In other ways, they have seen so much and suffered so much, they have the wisdom of a forty-one year old. (I just turned forty.) On this second visit to the Shan, I came up with the idea of doing a video, interviewing refugees and having them tell their own story, on film. Most people in the west have never even heard of Shan State, so how can they put political pressure on Burma to grant them independence.
My new project is to do a series of articles and a video about the people of Doi Tailang, Shanland. It will tell their story, their sorrow, their joy, their hopes and dreams. I am donating all of the articles to any magazine or organization willing to print them, in order to raise awareness of this terrible situation.
I will also donate the video, when it is finished. I hoped it would be shown for free at organizations around the world, and that copies could be sold by mail order, with the proceeds going to support the school and orphan dormitories in Doi Tailang. Soso Whaley, of Moaning Dog productions, who has been helping produce my youtube videos, and David Lawlitts, of Two Guys from Brooklyn production, who worked with me on films abut the Akha and Karen tribes, are helping me to film and produce this video which I want to title, “A Life in Shan State.”
Basically, David and I are the field and film team in Asia. Soso is the American side, and will handle production, communication, mail, donors, and public relations.
We are completely self-funded on this one, as no major network has expressed any interest in the project. So, we need help. I think we could probably do the film for $3,000 - $4,000 USD. Everything we receive over $4,000 USD we will donate to the school and orphan dormitories at Loi Tailang.
If you have any idea of anyone we should contact for sponsorship, please let me know. Antonio is currently seeking donations to complete a non-commercial documentary film, entitled: “A Life in Shan State.”
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If you wish to help, please contact Antonio@speakingadventure.comAntonio Graceffo is an adventure and martial arts author living in Asia. He is the Host of the web TV show, “Martial Arts Odyssey,”


The Pilot episode, shot in the Philippines, is running on youtube, click here. The Monk From Brooklyn - Kuntaw in the Phillipines Antonio is the author of four books available on amazon.com Contact him Antonio@speakingadventure.com see his website http://www.speakingadventure.com/ Checkout Antonio’s website http://speakingadventure.com/ Get Antonio’s books at amazon.com The Monk from Brooklyn Bikes, Boats, and Boxing Gloves The Desert of Death on Three Wheels Adventures in Formosa

Monday, December 10, 2007

မတူကြဲျပားမွဳကုိစမ္းစစ္ေလ့လာျခင္း၊ ပ႗ိပကၡတုိက္ပြဲ ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအေရးသုိ.ေရာက္သြားတဲ့ ဗမာျပည္


Studying diversity, conflict and internationalizing Burma

By Nehginpao Kipgen

The Union of Burma consists of 7 states and 7 administrative divisions. States are predominantly inhabited by minority ethnic groups while divisions are largely dominated by majority ethnic Burmans.

Burma gained independence with adopted name ‘Union of Burma’ in 1948 and later changed to Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma on 23rd September 1974, but reverted to the Union of Burma on 23rd September 1988. On 18th June 1989, the State Law and Order Restoration Council adopted a new name called ‘Union of Myanmar’ with which the country is now officially known at the United Nations.

The country’s total land area is 261,970 square miles. Ethnic minorities occupy roughly two-thirds: Arakan/Rakhine state- 14,200 square miles, Chin state- 13,907 square miles, Kachin state- 34,379 square miles, Karen/Kayin state- 11,731 square miles, Karenni/Kayah state- 4,530 square miles, Mon state- 4,747.8 square miles, Shan state- 60,155 square miles.

As of July 2003 estimate, population according to the military is 52.4 million; last official census which occurred in 1983 reported just over 35 million (35,442,972). The same source puts religious affiliation in percent as: Buddhism (89.2%), Christianity (5.0%), Islam (3.8%), Hinduism (0.5%), Spiritualism (1.2%) and others (0.2%).

The military regime identifies “135 national races” of which the major ones are Arakan/Rakhine (7 sub-groups), Burman/Bamar (9 sub-groups), Chin (53 sub-groups), Kachin (12 sub-groups), Karen/Kayin (11 sub-groups), Karenni/Kayah (9 sub-groups), Mon (1 group), and Shan (33 sub-groups). The appellation “135 races” is codified on dialectical variations.

Although the accuracy is questionable, the 15th November 2007 update of the Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook gives ethnic composition in Burma as: Burman 68%, Shan 9%, Karen 7%, Rakhine 4%, Chinese 3%, Indian 2%, Mon 2%, other 5%. Figures slightly vary from source to source.

Burma was administered as a province of India from 1886 until sundered from the British India in 1937. This was the year when settlements of the Kuki (also synonymously recorded in literature as Chin and Lushai) people were divvy up into two countries- Burma and India . With the creation of Bangladesh in 1972, the Kukis were further dispersed in three countries.

A number of research findings concluded that “Kookies” or “Kuki” is a Bengali word meaning hill men or highlanders. These people have a tradition of passing on their history orally; and as a result, today’s researchers have to rely substantially on the works of British writers who wrote extensively on the Kuki people during colonial era. Their traditional government ‘chieftainship system’ has been abandoned in Burma , but still retained and practiced in India .

In the context of Burma , Kuki is an unpopular terminology and so is the term Chin in India . The military junta recognizes “Thado” and “Kaung Saing Chin” under Chin nomenclature. In India , particularly in the state of Manipur, “Thado” is widely written as Thadou and “Kaung Saing” as Khongsai. The connotation may sound different, yet it refers to the same people. In local dialects, they also call themselves as eimi, laimi, zomi/mizo, etc.

Prior to independence, ethnic minority territories were not part of Burma proper. Considerable effort was mobilized for the materialization of Union of Burma at Panglong on the 12th day of February 1948. The nullification of this historic Panglong Agreement and 1947 constitution had annihilated the essence of forming the Union of Burma.

Burma had a parliamentary democracy from 1948 till general Newin seized power in 1962. A broken promise of Panglong Agreement was one important factor that led to the rise of armed movements. Ethnic minorities’ demand is greater autonomy under a federated structure and not secession or disintegration.

Neither the bloodless coup of 1962 nor 1988 mass uprising was the root cause of today’s conflicts in Burma . As early as 1948, the Karen National Union under its armed wing Karen National Liberation Army had begun rebelling against the Burmese government.

The struggle in Burma is basically of 2 stages – restoration of democracy and rights of ethnic minorities. To attain the latter, the former has to come first. Any democratic set-up sidelining ethnic minorities would not bring an end to decades’ old political imbroglio.

Within the status quo states and divisions, there are sub-ethnic groups advocating for autonomy or separate administration. Although every demand of every sub-group may not be feasible, criteria for eligibility and legality need to be established. One should not expect the Union of Burma to remain forever 7 states and 7 divisions, or 8 states as envisaged by some.

For many years since independence, Burma political crisis remained a microscopic issue to the international community – either as a result of the country’s insignificant role in international politics or her too little importance to the interest and security of other nations. However, this concept has changed dramatically since 1988 mass uprising and countrywide general elections.

Non-recognition of 1990 election results led to intimidation and imprisonment of several Member of Parliament elects – which became the genesis of many of the opposition groups in exile, including National Council of the Union of Burma and National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma.

Deadliest attack on the entourage of Aung San Suu Kyi at Depeyin in 2003 and her continued detention was one reason behind the passing of Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 by the U.S. Congress. The act bans the import of Burmese products and freezes the assets of senior officials.

In recent years, Burma has attracted unprecedented attention of the international community. The successful placement of Burma situation as permanent agenda of the United Nations Security Council on 29th September 2006 was a historic moment. It was followed by an unsuccessful attempt to pass a Security Council resolution on January 12th of this year.

More recently, the 2007 uprising incredibly got international community’s attention - headlines in many leading world newspapers, electronic medium and on television screens. Several world leaders and human rights activists around the world spoke up in support of Burmese democracy movement.

The entire world watched the brutality of military on its own people. The uprising immediate success was the attention it received from the world community and subsequent intervention by the United Nations Secretary General’s office through its special envoy Ibrahim Gambari.

The United States and European Union were quick to respond in taking tougher sanctions on the military generals and their businesses. Although there is no doubt about the powerful message it carries, unilateral sanctions seem to have limited impact. The vacuum created as a result of western sanctions has been filled by Burma neighboring countries.

Only western sanctions without cooperation from neighboring Asian countries have given enough space for the army generals to move around. Conflicting interests of two different approaches will continue to prolong the survival of military regime at the depletion of the country’s natural resources and collateral environmental damage.

While western powers pursue stick diplomacy, the Asian powers opt for carrot. Under such circumstance, the U.N. special envoy’s mission has become a little more than lip services with no substantive results to follow. The adamant stance of the 2 veto wielding powers ( China and Russia ) of the Security Council makes the world’s highest enforcement agency bootless.

The removal of Burma ’s military regime could probably take less than a month or so. But unlike Iraq, the United States would not reign in its fighter jets and ground troops for reasons including: (i) Burma is insignificant importance to the U.S. national interest and security (ii) U.S. foreign policy toward Burma is more of policy oriented than strategic (iii) Rapidly advancing Asian super power is docking at the military’s backyard.

Though there is close to zero percent chance of military intervention either by the United States or by the United Nations, this would be the swiftest action to bring change to Burma should it be pursued. However, this would be a naïve prediction or suggestion for any political analyst at this point of time.

Meanwhile, the international community could consider the model of a six party talks on North Korean nuclear standoff. Six parties involving the United States , European Union, ASEAN, China , India , and Burma could break the iceberg of political crisis. Due to geographical proximity, enormous economic and diplomatic influence over Burma , China ’s participation is pivotal.

If the international community continues to pursue two diametrically opposing views of western sanctions and Asian engagement, the military will continue to run the country with any resources available. Either concerted sanctions or collective engagement is needed to bring the military to a negotiating table.

Down the road, the culpable individuals in the military clique will be held accountable. Dayton Peace Accords of 1995 is one distant example that can be cited: carrot diplomacy brought warring parties to negotiation in a well devised plan.

However, stick diplomacy took its own course and the once powerful Serbian and Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic was tried for crimes at the International Criminal Tribunal in Hague , Netherlands .

On the death of Slobodan Milosevic in his detention cell, Richard Holbrooke, the then U.S. envoy who brokered the Dayton Peace Accords said, "I'm not going to shed any tears."


Nehginpao Kipgen is the General Secretary of US-based Kuki International Forum and a researcher o­n the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004).

Sunday, December 9, 2007

ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအရုံးထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္ (ေကအန္ယူ)



OFFICE OF THE SUPREME HEADQUARTERS
KAREN NATIONAL UNION
KAWTHOOLEI



KNU Statement on SPDC Military Campaign

The SPDC military clique did not suspend its military offensives even during the rainy season of 2007. It was carrying on its offensives while the Yellow Gold Color Mass Movement, led by the Buddhist monks was taking place, during September 2007. In the offensives, the SPDC army troops, in accordance with the SPDC policy, perpetrate the heinous crimes of arresting and killing innocent Karen civilians, plunder, destruction, forced relocation, forced labor and extortion of money.

Starting from the beginning of harvest time in October this year, the SPDC has increased the tempo of its military operations. At the present, the SPDC is intensifying military operations in the KNLA:

Brigade-1 area of Thaton District, after reinforcing its initial 7 battalions of troops with 7 new battalions from its MOC-19.

Brigade-2 area of Toungoo District, after reinforcing its initial 17 battalions with 17 battalions from its MOC-4, MOC-21 and MOC-10.

Brigade-3 area of Nyaunglaybin District, after reinforcing its initial 18 battalions with 14 battalions of troops from its MOC-21 and LID-33.

Brigade-4 area, after reinforcing the initial 13 battalions with 7 more battalions of troops from MOC-20.

Brigade-5 area of Papun District, after reinforcing the initial 23 battalions with 21 battalions of troops from MOC-16, LID-33 and LID-55.

Brigade-6 area of Dooplaya (Kawkareik) District, after reinforcing the initial 14 battalions with 10 more battalions of troops from MOC-8 and MOC-15.

Brigade-7 area after reinforcing the initial 12 battalions with 7 more battalions of troops from MOC-15.

In total, there are 187 SPDC army battalions, which are conducting military operations in the KNU base areas.

As usual, in the military operations, the SPDC troops regularly burn down villages, destroy the people’s orchards, plantations, harvests and rice barns - arrest, torture and execute innocent civilians - drive out the people from their homes and villages - loot properties and domestic animals such as cattle, pigs, hens etc. - extort cash, plant land mines in villages, forced people to live in concentration villages, commandeer trucks and bullock carts and forced thousands of people to work for them without pay.

These SPDC brutal military operations are a war of genocide. Thousands of villages are laid waste and the people have become virtually homeless as refugees. In the beginning of 2006, about 20,000 Karen people have become homeless about 3,000 had to flee to the border areas. At the present, thousands of Karen people have to flee for their lives again.

The current military campaign is in fact a genocidal war and it is diametrically opposed to the process of resolving the political problems by political means. For that reason, we, the KNU, issue this statement for all the people at home and the international community to know and to condemn the atrocious acts of the SPDC.


December 10, 2007
KNU Supreme Headquarters

Saturday, December 8, 2007

ဘေလာ့ေရးသူမ်ားသို. ...

မိုးထက္ေန (မိုးမခမွကူးယူေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္)

ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၅၊ ၂၀၀၇

ကက်ေနာ္တို႔ စစ္အစိုးရရဲ႔ ရူးေၾကာင္မူးေၾကာင္ႏိုင္တဲ့ ေနာက္ဆံုးလႈပ္႐ွားမႈကေတာ့ ဝန္ထမ္းေတြ၊ ၾကံခိုင္ေရးေတြကို ဘေလာ့ဂါသင္တန္းေတြေပးၿပီးေတာ့၊ ဘုန္းေတာ္ဘြဲ႔ေရး ခိုင္းတဲ့ အစီအစဥ္ပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က်ေနာ္ဟာ ၂၀၀၇ စက္တင္ဘာလ မတိုင္ခင္ အထိ ဘေလာ့ ဆိုတာကို ၾကားဘူးနားဝ ႐ွိဘူး႐ံုကလြဲလို ့ လိုက္လဲမဖတ္ဘူး၊ ကိုယ္ပိုင္လဲ ဘေလာ့မ႐ွိပါဘူး။ အြန္လိုင္း အသိုင္းအဝုိင္းနဲ ့ေဝးတယ္ပဲေျပာေျပာ၊ က်ေနာ္ ဘေလာ့ေတြ၊ ဘေလာ့ဂါေတြ နဲ ့က ဘုန္းၾကီးနဲ႔ ဘီးလို ပါပဲခင္ဗ်ာ။

ျဖစ္ခ်င္ေတာ့ စက္တင္ဘာ လူထုတိုက္ပြဲေတြ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ က်ေနာ္ က ျမန္မာျပည္နဲ ့ေတာ္ေတာ္ေဝး ျပီး ၊ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳး ေတာ္ေတာ္နည္းတဲ့ တိုင္းျပည္တစ္ျပည္မွာ ေရာက္ေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ အခ်ိန္မွာ ပဲ ဒီဘေလာ့ရဲ ့ပိုင္႐ွင္ ကိုေရႊဘိုသား က က်ေနာ္ ကို စာေရးဖို အၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ တိုက္တြန္းတဲ့ အတြက္ က်ေနာ္ ဒီဘေလာ့မွာ စာဝင္ေရး ခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဟုိဘေလာ့သြားလည္၊ ဒီဘေလာ့ သြားလည္၊ ဟို Tag၊ ဒီ Tag ဆိုတဲ့ ဘေလာ့ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈထဲ မွာေတာ့ ခုထိက်ေနာ္ ႐ွိမေနပါဘူး။ ႐ွိလာဖို႔လည္း မ႐ွိပါဘူး။

က်ေနာ္ေတြ႔မိတာေတြကို လူေတြကို ေျပာျပခ်င္တဲ့အတြက္ ဒီဘေလာ့မွာ ဆက္ေရးေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ အဲဒီတစ္စံုတစ္ေယာက္ ေက်းဇူးေၾကာင့္ပဲ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားဘေလာ့ဂါေတြ၊ ဘေလာ့ေတြအေၾကာင္း သိခြင့္ရခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဒီေနေတာ့ သူငယ္ခ်င္းတစ္ေယာက္ပို႔့လိုက္လို႔ နာမည္ႀကီးလား၊ နာမည္ မႀကီးလား မသိေပမဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား စစ္စစ္ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲမွာေနတဲ့ ဘေလာ့ေရးတဲ့ လူတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႔ပ႔ိုစ္ တခုကို ဖတ္လိုက္ရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ေျပာစရာေလးေတြ နည္းနည္း ႐ွိလာတဲ့အတြက္ ဘေလာ့ဆရာမ၊ ဘေလာ့ဆရာေတြ ေမတၱာပို ့ခ်င္ပို ့ပါေစေတာ့ အဲဒီလူနားထဲ ျပန္ေရာက္ေစ့ ခ်င္လို ့ဒီစာကို ေရးလိုက္ပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ပဲ အေကာင္း မျမင္စိတ္မ်ားေနလို႔လား၊ ဘာလားေတာ့ မသိဘူး၊ သူ႔ပထမဆံုးစာပိုဒ္ကို ဖတ္ျပီးနားလည္တာကေတာ့ တန္ဖိုး႐ွိတာလုပ္ဖို႔ စိတ္ကူးေနတုန္း၊ ဝန္ထမ္းေတြကို ဘေလာ့အေၾကာင္း ေဟာေျပာေပးဖို႔ ဖိတ္ၾကားခံရတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းေရးထားတာပါ။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာေနျပီး နအဖရဲ႔ ့အာဏာစက္ကို ျငင္းဖို႔ဆိုတာ ေတာ္ တန္ရံုလူအတြက္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာ သိေပမယ့္၊ ဒါကို တန္ဖိုး႐ွိတဲ့အလုပ္တစ္ခု အေနနဲ႔ တင္စားတာေတာ့ ေတာ္ေတာ္ကို ဆိုးဝါးတယ္လို႔ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။

ဒုတိယအပိုဒ္ကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို ့ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ဘေလာ့ေရး ဖို ့ အခ်ိန္ေတြ၊ ေငြေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရင္းထားရတယ္ ဆိုတာကို ေရးထားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲ မွာ စိတ္မေၾကလည္ စရာေကာင္းတဲစာပိုဒ္ကေတာ့ “အခု ျဖစ္ၿပီးသြားတဲ႔ အေရးအခင္းမွာ နာမည္အႀကီးဆံုးက ျမန္မာဘေလာ႔ဂ္ေတြပဲ။ ႏိုင္ငံျခားက လူေတြကလည္း တကယ္ကို ဂုဏ္ျပဳခ်င္တာလား၊ မတာလား၊ မစာနာတာလား မသိဘူး ေစာက္သရမ္းေတြ ခ်ီးမြမ္းခန္း ဖြင္႔လိုက္ၾကတာနဲ႔ သိပ္မၾကာခင္ဘဲ ဘေလာ႔ဂ္ကို ပိတ္ထည္႔လိုက္ ပါေတာ႔တယ္။”

တာဝန္ေက်တဲ့ ဘေလာ့ေရးသားသူ အခ်ိဳ႔ကို ခ်ီးမြမ္းတာျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ေနာက္ သူသံုးထားတဲ့ အေျခအေနေရာက္သည္အထိ ခ်ီးမြမ္းတယ္ ဆိုတာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္လက္မခံႏိုင္ပါဘူး။

ေနာက္တစ္ခု က အဲဒါေတြေၾကာင့္ ဘေလာ့ေတြ ပိတ္လိုက္တယ္ ဆိုတာလဲ အေတြးတိမ္လြန္ တယ္လို ့ျမင္ပါတယ္။ နအဖ ဟာ သူတို ့အေၾကာင္း အမွန္ေရးတဲ့ ဘယ္ Mediaကိုမဆို တားဖို႔ ၾကိဳးစားမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အင္တာနက္သတင္းဌာနေတြကိုလည္း တားထားတာပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒီဘေလာ့သင္တန္းမွာ ပါဝင္ပို႔ခ်သူေတြကေတာ့ ေသာင္းစုျငိမ္း၊ ရဲျမတ္သူ၊ ဦးကိုကို ဆိုတဲ့ နအဖနဲ႔ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားတူ ပညာ႐ွင္ေတြရယ္၊ ဘေလာ့ေရးတဲ့ ေဇာ္မိုးေအာင္၊ ညီလင္းဆက္တို႔ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အသိေပးထားပါတယ္။

ဒါဟာတစ္ဖက္က ၾကည့္ရင္၊ ႐ုိး႐ိုးသားသား ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာတယ္လို ့ေတြးလို ့ရေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ ကိုယ့္ေပါင္ကိုလွန္ေထာင္းတယ္လို႔ပဲ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ ကိုယ္စိတ္ၾကိဳက္အားန႔ဲ ေထာင္းလို ့ရတာေပါ့ ဗ်ာ။ သူမ်ားေထာင္းတာ ခံရရင္ ပိုနာမွာေပါ့။

ဝန္ထမ္းေတြကို အစိုးရေအာက္ကလူေတြမို႔ ဘေလာ့ဂ္ သင္မေပး ဘူးဆိုတာမ်ိဳး မျဖစ္သင့္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ေလွ်ာက္လႊဲခ်က္ ေပးထားတာပါ။ ဒါကိုေတာ့ လက္ခံပါတယ္။ ဝန္းထမ္းတိုင္းဟာ နအဖဘက္ကလူ မဟုတ္ဘဲ၊ အမွန္ေတြ ေရးလာႏိုင္တယ္။ မေက်နပ္ခ်က္ေတြကို နာမည္အရင္းနဲ႔ မဟုတ္ေတာင၊္ တျခားဘေလာ့နာမည္တစ္ခုနဲ႔ ေရးးလာႏိုင္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့အထိ က်ေနာ္လက္ခံပါတယ္။

ဒါေပမဲ့ ... နအဖျဖစ္ခ်င္ေနတဲ့ ဆႏၵတစ္ခုကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္တဲ့ ေနရာမွာ ကိုယ့္ ပေယာဂေတာ့ ဘယ္နည္းနဲ႔မွ မပါေစခ်င္ဘူး။ အဲလိုမပါေအာင္ ေနႏိုင္တာလဲ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး တစ္မ်ိဳးပါပဲ။

အဲဒီမွာ သင္တန္းသြားေပးတဲ့လူေတြ မသြားႏိုင္လုိ႔ နအဖရဲ႔ ဘေလာ့သင္တန္းၾကီး လံုးဝပ်က္သြားမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ေနာက္ဆံုး ျပည္တြင္းမွာ႐ွိတဲ့ ဘေလာ့ေရးတဲ့ လူအကုန္က သင္တန္းေပးဖို႔ ျငင္းဆန္လိုက္ရင္ ျပည္ပကပညာ႐ွင္ေတြကို နအဖက ေငြေပးေခၚျပီးသင္မွာပဲ။

ေနာက္ဆံုး အဲဒီအတြက္ ပိုက္ဆံမသံုးႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုရင္ေတာင၊္ ေစြေစာင္းကို ေခၚသင္ခိုင္းလို ့ရပါတယ္။ ခင္ဗ်ားအေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္က သိပ္ေတာ့ မခုိင္လံုေသးဘူး၊ ကိုယ့္ ဆရာရဲ့။ သာကီႏြယ္ လို႔ ဘေလာ့ေတြ ထပ္ေပၚလာရင္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားေၾကာင့္ မဟုတ္ေပမယ့္၊ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔့ဟာ ပင္နယံတစ္ခုျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတာေတာ့ ဘယ္လိုမွ ျငင္းခ်က္ထုတ္ဖို ့မၾကိဳးစားပါနဲ ့။

အဲလို ဘေလာ့ေတြေပၚလာလို႔လဲ လူေတြက အမွန္နဲ႔အမွား မခြဲႏိုင္ေလာက္ေအာင္ မညံ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ မ်က္စိေတာ့ ေနာက္တာေပါ့ ... ကိုယ့္ဆရာရယ္။

“ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ မီဒီယာ အရမ္းအားနည္းတယ္လို႔ စကၤာပူႏိုင္ငံသားသူငယ္ခ်င္းက ေျပာဖူးတယ္။ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံက အိုင္တီ မန္ေနဂ်ာတစ္ေယာက္ဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္ကို ယိုးဒယားရဲ႕ အစိတ္အပိုင္းလို႔ ... ထင္ေနတုန္းပဲ။ ေျပာခ်င္တာက ဘေလာ႔ဂ္ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ျဖစ္ေစခ်င္တယ္။”

က်ေနာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာ မီဒီယာအရမ္းအားနည္းတဲ့ကိစၥကို ဘေလာ့ေတြမ်ားလာျခင္းဆိုတဲ့ ေဆးတစ္မ်ိဳးတည္းနဲ႔ ကုစားလို႔ မရပါဘူး။ လူဦးေရ သန္း ၆၀ ေလာက္႐ွိတဲ့ တိုငး္ျပည္မွာ ဘေလာ့ဝင္ၾကည့္တဲ့လူ တစ္ေန႔ ေျခာက္ေထာင္႐ွိသလား ... စဥ္းစားဖို႔ေကာင္းပါတယ္။

ေနာက္ ... တစ္ကမၻာလံုးမွာ႐ွိတဲ့ လူ သန္း ေျခာက္ေထာင္ထဲမွာ၊ ကမၻာေပၚမွာ အေကာင္းဆံုးပါဆိုတဲ့ ဘေလာ့ကို တစ္ရက္ ေျခာက္ သိန္းေလာက္ ဝင္ၾကည့္ေနတာမ်ိဳး ႐ိွပါသလား။ က်ေနာ္ေတာ့ ႐ိွလိမ့္မယ္ မထင္ဘူး ။ သူ ့ေကာက္ခ်က္အတိုင္းသာ ဘေလာ့ေတြ ေၾကာင့္ သတင္းေတြပ်ံ႔ႏိုင္မယ္ဆိုရင္ - BBC , NHK, CNN က ဝန္ထမ္းေတြ အလုပ္ျပဳတ္တာ ၾကာေရာ့မယ္။

ေနာက္တစ္ခ်က္ ... ျမန္မာျပည္ကို အိႏၵိယက အိုင္တီမန္ေနဂ်ာက ယိုးဒယားရဲ႔ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတစ္ခုလို႔ထင္တယ္ ဆိုတာလဲ သိပ္ အံၾသစရာ မေကာင္းပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္လက္႐ွိ ေရာက္ေနတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံဆို မီဒီယာအင္အားလည္း ေကာင္းတယ္၊ မီဒီယာလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္လည္း ႐ွိပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ ... ေငြေၾကးခ်မ္းသာျပီး၊ တိုးတက္တဲ့ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ခုလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္ ဒီႏိုင္ငံကိုလာရမယ္ဆိုမွ ဒီႏိုင္ငံရဲ႔အေၾကာင္း သိတာပါ။ အဲဒီ ကုလားမန္ေနဂ်ာတစ္ေယာက္ မသိတာနဲ ့ေတာ့ ဘေလာ့ေတြ မ်ားလာဖို႔ ေကာင္းတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေကာက္ခ်က္က နည္းနည္းရယ္ခ်င္စရာ ေကာင္းလြန္းပါတယ္။

တကယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ဘေလာ့ေတြအမ်ားႀကီးေရးရင္ေရာ၊ အဲဒီကုလားက ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ စစ္ဖိနပ္ေအာက္က အင္မတန္ သနားစရာေကာင္းတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံဆိုတာ သိလာပါ့မလား။

မည္သို႔ပင္ျဖစ္ေစ အဲလိုလူေတြ သိေစခ်င္ရင္ Wikipedia နဲ ့ Encarta ႏွစ္ခု ကို ၫႊန္းလိုက္ဖို႔ အၾကံေပးပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တစ္ခုက မီဒီယာေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ားမ်ား လြတ္လပ္စြာေရးသားခြင့္မ႐ွိေသးသမွ် အမွန္တရားဆိုတာေတြကို ေဖာ္ျပလို႔ ရမွာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။

ညီလင္းဆက္ရဲ႔ ပိုစ္က ဖတ္ရင္းဖတ္ရင္း ဘာဆိုလိုခ်င္မွန္း မသိေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲမွာ ဘေလာ့ျပန္ပြင့္ေပးမလားလို႔ သူၾကိဳးစားခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ဆိုခ်င္ဟန္တူပါတယ္။ ဘေလာ့ျပန္မဖြင့္လို ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔့ဘာမွ မျဖစ္ပါဘူး။ ေက်ာ္လို႔၊ ့ခြလို႔ ရမယ့္နည္းေတြလည္း ဒုန႔ဲ ေဒးပါ။ ဘေလာ့ေရးတဲ့လူေတြ သတင္းတို႔၊့ေဆာင္းပါးတို ့ေရးခ်င္ရင္လည္း အျပင္က ကိုယ္နဲ႔နီးစပ္တဲ့ ဘေလာ့ဂါေတြဆီပ႔ို၊ အဲဒီလူေတြက ပိုစ့္ေတြတင္ေပးမယ္လို႔၊ က်ေနာ္ေတာ့ ယံုၾကည္တယ္။

ဘေလာ့ေရးျပီး နာမည္တည္ေဆာက္ခ်င္တ့ဲ လူေတြအတြက္ေတာ့ သိပ္အဆင္မေျပဘူးေပါ့။ ငါစာ၊ ငါ့ဘေလာ့မွာပဲ တင္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ဆရာမေတြ၊ ဆရာေတြ အတြက္ေတာ့ မေျပာလိုပါဘူး။ နအဖက ဘေလာ့ေတြကို ပိတ္လိုက္႐ံုနဲ႔ ဗမာျပည္ထဲက သတင္းေတြ၊ ေဆာင္းပါးေတြ ႏိုင္ငံတကာကို မတင္ျပႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ အေတြးမ်ိဳးကေတာ့ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ႏွစ္ဆယ္ေလာက္က ေတြးဖို႔ေကာင္းတဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚပါ။

ေနာက္ ... ဘေလာ့ေတြ ေရးသားခြင္႔ ရေပမယ့္၊ ျပည္ပကဘေလာ့ေတြကို ၾကည့္ခြင့္မေပးဘူး ဆိုရင္လည္း ဘာမွမထူးပါဘူး။ ”အဲဒီနာမည္နဲ႔ ဘေလာ့ဖြင့္ရင္ ... ဆြဲေစ့မယ္လို႔” ေျပာထားရင္ စာေရးတဲ့ ညီလင္းဆက္ကိုယ္တိုင္ေတာင္ မဖြင့္ရဲပါဘူးလ႔ို ဝန္ခံထားျပီးျဖစ္တာကို ေထာက္ရင္၊ သူတို႔ဖက္ကလူေတြ တန္ျပန္ဝါဒျဖန္႔ဖို႔အတြက္၊ ေရးဖို႔သက္သက္ ဖြင့္ေပးတာမ်ိဳးကေတာ့ ဘာမွ ထူးျခားလာမယ္ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
ဘေလာ့ေရးတဲ့႐ည္႐ြယ္ခ်က္တို႔၊ ဘာတို႔ စတဲ့လက္ခ်ာေတြကို သင္ယူထားတဲ၊့ ျပည္တြင္းနအဖဘေလာ့ဂါ အင္အားစုကလည္း တေျဖးေျဖး၊ တိုးတုိး လာေတာ့မယ္ ထင္ပါတယ္။ အမွန္ေတာ့ ဘေလာ့ေရးတယ္ဆိုတာ ကိုယ္စိတ္အဆာေျပေအာင္ ကိုယ္လုပ္ခ်င္တာ ကိုယ္လုပ္တယ္လို႔ပဲ ထင္ပါတယ္။

ႏိုင္ငံေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တာေတြေရးမွ၊ ဘာမွ၊ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ကိုယ္ၾကိဳက္တာ ကိုယ္လုပ္ခြင့္႐ွိပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္ကိုယ္ပိုင္ဘေလာ့မွာဆို ႏိုင္ငံေရး တစ္လံုးတစ္ေလမွ ေရးထားတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္ ဒီေဆာင္းပါးကို ေရးတဲ့ရည္႐ြယ္ခ်က္က တစ္ခုထဲပါ။ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ႐ွိတဲ့ ဘေလာ့ဂါေတြ၊ ဘေလာ့ဆရာ ညီလင္းဆက္၊ ေဇာ္မိုးေအာင္တို႔ကို အားက်ျပီး၊ ဝန္ထမ္းေတြတို႔၊့ ၾကံ့ဖြတ္ေတြတို႔ကို ဘေလာ့ေရးနည္း သင္တန္းပို႔ခ်ေပးမွာ စိုးရိမ္လို႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ခင္ဗ်ာ။

လူတိုင္း ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလုပ္ဖို႔၊ နအဖကို ဆန္႔က်င္ဖို႔ မေတာင္းဆိုပါဘူး။ နအဖရ႔ဲ႔လမ္္းစဥ္ကို သေဘာက်လို႔ ကူညီေပးေနတဲ့လူေတြဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ၾကိဳက္တာလုပ္ပါ။ ေနာက္မွ ျပည္သူနဲ ့စာရင္း႐ွင္းတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။

နအဖကိုလည္း မၾကိဳက္ေပမယ့္၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမွာ ပါဖို႔ အေျခအေနမေပးတဲ့ လူေတြကိုလဲ အျပစ္မတင္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ နအဖကို ေထာက္ခံလား၊ မေထာက္ခံလား ကိုယ့္ဟာကို အရင္ဆံုး ေတြးေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ တကယ္လို႔ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔အေျဖက မၾကိဳက္ဘူး ဆိုျဖစ္ခဲ့ရင္၊ နအဖနဲ႔ အတတ္ႏိုင္ဆံုး ကင္းေအာင္ေနတာဟာလဲ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ကူညီရာေရာက္တယ္ ဆိုတာကို သိေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။

(ညီလင္းဆက္ ရဲ ့မူရင္းပိုစ့္ ကို http://nyilynnseck.blogspot.com/2007/11/blog-post_08.html ဖတ္လို ့ရပါတယ္)

Friday, December 7, 2007

ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရအာဏာပုိင္မ်ားက ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကုိ ေနာင္ေျပာင္နာမည္ျဖင့္ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာခ်၊


စစ္ေတြ၊၊ ၊၊ ရခုိင္းျပည္နယ္ရွိ ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရအာဏာပုိင္မ်ားက ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကုိ သင့္ေလ်ာ္
ေသာနာမည္အသုံးအႏွဳန္းျဖင့္ေခၚေ၀ၚသုံးစြဲရတဲ့အစား “လိေမၼာ္သီး“ ဆုိေသာေနာင္ေျပာင္နာမည္ျဖင့္
ေခၚေ၀ၚေနၾကသည္ ဟု စစ္ေတြရွိရဟန္းေတာ္တပါးက ေျပာျပပါသည္၊



“ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္မွာဆုိရင္ ဦးဇင္တုိ.ကုိ “ ဘုန္းၾကီး“ ဟု ေခၚရမည့္ဟာကုိ မေခၚဘဲနဲ့ “လိေမၼာ္သီး“ ဟု အာဏာပုိင္ေတြေခၚေ၀ၚသုံးစြဲေနတာဟာ ဦးဇင္တုိ.သာသနာကုိ အလြန္အမင္ေစာ္ကားရာေရာက္တယ္
လုိ. ၎ရဟန္းေတာ္ကဆက္လက္မိန္.ၾကားခဲ့ပါသည္။

ထုိ.ကဲ့သုိ.ေနာင္ေျပာင္နာမည္ကုိ ဘယ္လုိသုံးႏွဳန္းေနသလဲဆုိတာဥပမာေပးေျပာျပရာမွာ “ဘူသီး ေတာင္မွ စစ္ေတြသုိ.ေလွျဖင့္သြားေနတဲ့သံဃာေတာ္သုံးပါးကုိေတြ.လုိက္ရင္ အာဏာပုိင္မ်ားက
“ဘူသီးေတာင္ကုိခရီးသြားေနတဲ့လိေမၼာ္သီးသုံးလုံး“ဟုရည္ညႊန္းေျပာဆုိခဲ့ၾကတဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိထုိရဟန္းေတာ္ကပဲေျပာျပခဲ့ပါသည္။

ရခုိင္းျပည္နယ္ရွိ ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကုိ “လိေမၼာ္သီး“ ဟု ရည္ညႊန္းျပီးသုံးစြဲရာမွာ စစ္အစိုးရ
ေထာက္ေက်ာျပဳထားေသာ ၾကံ.ဖြတ္၊မီးသတ္၊ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ. ႏွင့္စစ္သည္ေတာ္ေဟာင္းမ်ား စသည့္အဖြဲ.အစည္းေတြအၾကာ အက်ယ္တင့္ သုံးစြဲေနသည္ဟုသိရွိရပါသည္၊

ထုိ.သုိ.ျပဳလုပ္ရျခင္းဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထုေတြရဲ.ရင္ထဲမွာ ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၏ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာ ကုိဖ်က္စီးဖုိ.ႏွင့္ တန္ဖုိးအဆင့္အတန္ကုိ ႏွိမ္ခ်ဖုိ. ရည္ရႊယ္လုပ္ထားတဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရ၏အစီအစဥ္တရပ္
ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ.ျမန္မာျပည္ေျမာက္ပုိင္းနယ္စပ္မွ အရွင္အိႏၵသကၠ ကမိန္.ၾကားသြားပါသည္။

စစ္အစိုးရအာဏာပုိင္မ်ားက ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၏ ဂုဏ္သတင္းေတြကုိ နည္းေပါင္းစုံျဖင့္ဖ်က္စီး
ဖုိ.ၾကဳိးစားရာမွာ ရဟန္သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကုိမိန္းမနဲ.လိင္အဂၤါဆက္ဆံသည္ ဟူေသာစြပ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ဳိးကုိ
လဲတခါတေလ လုပ္ၾကံသတင္းေတြကုိ ျဖန္.ခဲ့ဟု သူကဆက္ေျပာပါသည္။

ထုိကဲ့သုိ.အျပဳအမွဳေတြဟာ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ား၏ပုံရိပ္ေတြကုိ ပ်က္စီးေစရုံတာမကဘဲ ကမၻာတလႊာရွိ ဗုဒၶဘာသာရဲ.ပုံရိပ္ေတြကုိလဲပ်က္စီးေစျပီး သံဃာေတာ္ေတြအေပၚ ၎ကဲ့သုိ. တုိက္ခုိက္မွဳမ်ဳိးကုိ ဦးဇင္တုိ. လုံး၀လက္မခံႏုိင္ဘူးလုိ. အရွင္အိႏၵသကၠ ကဆက္လက္မိန္.ၾကားသြားပါသည္၊

ဗမာစစ္အစိုးရအေနနဲ.ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားအေပၚ အကယ္၍ဆက္လက္တုိက္ခုိက္ေနမည္ဆုိရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာဗုဒၶသာသနာေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားမည့္အေျခအေနကုိ ၀ါေတာ္ၾကီးသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားက စုိး ရိမ္ေနၾကရတဲ့အေၾကာင္းသိရွိရပါသည္။


Burmese Authorities Demean Monks with Nickname

Sittwe: Burmese military authorities in Arakan State have been widely referring to monks with the nickname "orange", rather than using the appropriate term, said one monk from Sittwe.

"The authorities now call us 'orange', and no longer officially call us 'monks' in Arakan State, and it is an extreme insult to our religion," the monk said.

He gave as an example of how the nickname is being used by saying that if three monks were to travel from Buthidaung to Sittwe by ferry, the authorities would refer to them as 'three orange' traveling to Buthidaung.
Members from many organizations backed by the Burmese military government, such as the USDA, fire service, police, and veteran groups, are now widely using the term orange to refer to monks in Arakan State.

Ashin Inda Shaka from the western Burmese border area said that it is part of a government plan to destroy the monks' image in Burma, and to devalue their status in the eyes of the Burmese people.

Burmese military authorities have been trying to destroy the reputation of monks in several ways, including sometimes publicizing accusations that monks have sexually abused women, he said.

Such activities not only damage the image of monks, but also the image of Buddhism around the world, and we are unable to accept such attacks on monks by military authorities in Burma, he added.

It has also been learned that many elder monks in Burma are now worried about the state of Buddhism and Buddhists in Burma, as the religion will be threatened with extinction in the future if the government continues to attack monks.
တုိင္းရင္းသားစည္းလုံးညီညြတ္ေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရး၊ျပည္ေထာင္စုမျပဳိကြဲေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရး၊ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရ ျဖဳတ္ခ်ေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရးေဆာင္ပါးဖတ္ရွဴရန္၊ ရခုိင္မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ပညာရွင္ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ကြယ္လြန္သြားေၾကာင္းသတင္းကုိရခုိင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသာမကက်န္ရွိသည့္တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအတြက္လည္အမ်ားၾကီးဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္သည္၊ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ဟာရဲရင့္ျပီးသတိၱျပည့္ဝသည့္ပညာရွင္တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္သည္၊ထုိ.ေၾကာင့္၊သူ.ဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳဟာအမ်ားဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳပါ၊က်န္းရစ္သူမိသားစုဝင္မ်ားနဲ.ရခုိင္ျပည္သူမ်ားနည္းတူထပ္တူထပ္မွ်ေၾကးကြဲဝမ္းနည္းပါေၾကာင္းတုိင္းရင္းသားသံမွတင္ျပလုိက္ပါသည္၊

Min Ko Naing Birth Day

Min Ko Naing Birth Day
မင္းကုိႏုိင္ေမြးေန.