တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာဘာလဲ?

The Voice for Justice, Equal Right, Freedom, Genuine Federal Union, Democracy and Self-determination in Burma. "Justice War Must always Win over Injustice".

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာ တရားမွ်တမွဳ၊တန္တူအခြင္႔အေရး၊လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊စစ္မွန္ေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု။ဒီမုိကေရစီ၊ ႏွင္႔ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပဌာန္ခြင္႔အသံမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္၊
"တရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲဟာ မတရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲကုိ အျမဲေအာင္ရမည္
"

Friday, December 31, 2010

(226) ၾကိမ္ေျမာက္ ရခုိင္ျပည္ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာ က်ဆံုးသည့္ေန အခမ္းအနား က်င္းပ

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
(226) ၾကိမ္ေျမာက္ ရခုိင္ျပည္ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာ က်ဆံုးသည့္ေန အခမ္းအနား က်င္းပ

No Problem with the Burmans, but Problem with SPDC ဗမာေတြနဲ.ျပႆနာမရွိဘူး၊ဒါေပမဲ့၊နအဖနဲ.ျပႆနာရွိတယ္

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
No Problem with the Burmans, but Problem with SPDC ဗမာေတြနဲ.ျပႆနာမရွိဘူး၊ဒါေပမဲ့၊နအဖနဲ.ျပႆနာရွိတယ္

Thursday, December 30, 2010

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံမွႏွစ္သစ္ကူးဆုေတာင္း

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံမွႏွစ္သစ္ကူးဆုေတာင္း

၂၀၁၁ ႏွစ္အကူကာလမွာအာဏာရွင္စစ္အစုိးရျပဳတ္က်ပါေစ၊ဒီမုိကေရစီအစုိးရတက္ပါေစ၊တုိင္းရင္းသားေဒသေတြမွာစစ္ထုိးေနသည့္ဗမာစစ္သားမ်ားစိ တ္ဓါတ္ေျပာင္းျပီးျပည္သူလူထုဘက္မွာရပ္တည္ႏုိင္ပါေစ၊သူတုိ.ကုိယ္စားဆင္းရဲငတ္ျပတ္လြန္လွတဲ့သူတုိ.မိသားစုမ်ားအတြက္တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံမွေမ တၱာပုိ.သသည္၊သန္းေရႊ၊ေမာင္ေအးႏွင့္မိသားစုမ်ားနဲ.အတူအာဏာရွင္နဲ.ပတ္သက္ဆက္ႏြယ္အားေပးေထာက္ခံေနသူမ်ားအားလုံးပ်က္စီးဆုံးရွံးပါေစ၊ Invisible hands လက္ခ်က္မျမင္ႏုိင္ေအာင္အသိပညာ၊အတတ္ပညာၾကီးၾကီးနဲ.ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရအတြက္၊မဟာလူမ်ဳိးၾကီးဝါဒီမ်ားအတြက္အလုပ္လုပ္ေပး ေနေသာပညာရွင္အမည္ခံပုဂၢဳိလ္မ်ား၊ရဟန္းဘုန္းၾကီးအမည္ခံသူမ်ား၊စာေရးဆရာ၊သတင္းသမားမ်ား၊လူမွဳေရးဘန္ျပသူမ်ား၊ဒီမုိကေရစီအမည္ခံသူမ်ား အားလုံးပ်က္စီးဆုံးရွဳံးၾကပါေစ၊အျဖစ္မွန္မ်ားေပၚေစျပီးလူအမ်ားဝုိင္းပယ္ျခင္းမွခံရပါေစလုိ.တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံမွဆုမြန္ေကာင္းေတာင္းလုိက္ပါသည္။

Wednesday, December 22, 2010

တမီလ္နက္ေျပာျပတဲ့နဗီေဂ်းနမ္းဗီယားအေၾကာင္း၊စစ္ရာဇာဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္သည့္အစုိးရကုိကာကြယ္ေပးတဲ့ေကာင္ဟုအဓိပၸါယ္ရ

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
တမီလ္နက္ေျပာျပတဲ့နဗီေဂ်းနမ္းဗီယားအေၾကာင္း၊စစ္ရာဇာဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္သည့္အစုိးရကုိကာကြယ္ေပးတဲ့ေကာင္ဟုအဓိပၸါယ္ရ

တမီလ္နက္မွာေဖာ္ျပထားသည့္အထူးေဆာင္ပါးကုိကုိးကားျပီးနမ္းဗီယားဘယ္ကလာ၊ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရကလက္ရွိစစ္ဆင္ေရးဘာေၾကာင့္လုပ္ေနသလဲ၊
ဘယ္လုိနည္းဗ်ဴဟာေတြသုံးျပီးစစ္ဆင္ေရးလုပ္ေနသလဲ၊စစ္ပြဲျပီးစီးသည့္အခါစစ္ရာဇာဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္ထားတာကုိနမ္းဗီယားကအကာအကြယ္ေပး
မည့္အလာအလာေတြကုိတင္ျပထားပါသည္။

ဂ်ဳိလစ္ဖီအစီရင္ခံစာအရ၊ ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရဟာအဓိကေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကုိလုပ္ၾကံသတ္ျဖတ္မယ္၊အဓိကအေျခစုိက္စခန္းေတြကုိတိတိက်က်ပစ္မွတ္ထားမယ္၊ေကအန္
ေအလ္ေအတပ္နဲ.အရပ္သားေတြကုိလူသတ္ဇုံအထဲသုိ.ေရာက္သြားေအာင္စစ္ရဟတ္ယာဥ္ေတြသုံးျပီဗုံးၾကဲမယ္၊ေနာက္ဆုံးမွာလူသတ္ဇုံထဲမွာရွိသည့္
သူေတြအားလုံးကုိ(Hammer and anvil tactics)လုိ.ေခၚတဲ့နားအတြင္းပုိင္းရွိအရုိးနဲ.တူထုသည့္နည္းဗ်ဴဟာျဖင့္အေျမာက္ၾကီးငယ္ေတြသုံးျပီးေၾကညက္သြားေအာင္စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာကုိသုံးမယ္လုိ. ေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္၊
နမ္းဗီယားဟာ မႏွစ္တုန္းကျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာအီဇဟမ္ တမီလ္လူမ်ဳိးႏြယ္အစုလုိက္အျပဳံလုိက္သတ္ျဖတ္မွဳနဲ.ပတ္သက္၍သူကစားခဲ့တဲ့အခန္းက႑ဟာ မွန္မမွန္လုိက္မၾကည့္ခဲ့ပါဘူး၊အခုက်ေတာ့ဗမာျပည္ရွိတုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားရုန္ကန္လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳကုိပစ္မွတ္ထားေနသည္၊ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရကတုိင္းရင္း သားအေရးျပႆနာကုိင္တြယ္သည့္ေနရာမွာသီရိလကၤာသမၼတ ရာဇပက္ဇာ၏စစ္နည္းၾသဝါဒကုိခံယူျပီးေျဖရွင္းရန္ၾကဳိးပမ္းေနသည္၊တစ္ခ်ိန္တည္း မွာပင္၊ရာဇပက္ဇာကုိေနာက္ေၾကာေထာက္ခဲ့သည့္နမ္းဗီယားတုိ.လည္းအခင္းအက်င္းမွာေပၚလာျပန္ပါတယ္၊နမ္းဗီယားဟာစစ္ရာဇာဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္ သူကုိအကာအကြယ္ေပးဖုိ.၊ေဆြးေႏြးမည့္ေအဂ်င္ဒါအစီအစဥ္ထဲမွာမထည့္ေဆြးေႏြးဖုိ.၊လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနသူတစ္ဦးျဖစ္သည္၊

ထုိ.အျပင္၊နမ္းဗီယားဟာေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ.ေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ျပီးေနာက္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာအလြန္တင္းမာသူ၊အေျခအေနကုိမသိသူ တစ္ဦးလုိ.ေျပာၾကားသည္ကုိအင္နာစီတီပရက္စ္ကေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ပါသည္၊
စစ္ရာဇာဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္သည့္ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရကုိအစီအစဥ္ထဲထည့္ေဆြးေႏြးတာဟာအႏၱရာယ္ရွိတယ္လုိတရုတ္ကအရိပ္အေရာင္ျပလုိက္တာနဲ.နမ္းဗီ ယာကအစီအစဥ္ထဲကေနမပါဝင္ေအာင္ၾကဳိးပမ္းခဲ့တယ္လုိ.ဆုိပါတယ္၊

According to Joliffe's report, more violence looms in Karen-populated regions in eastern Burma. The Sri Lanka-style strategy “would include the assassination of key leaders, the pinpointing of key bases and the herding of KNLA forces and civilians into kill zones using heli-borne forces.” Ominously, Joliffe suggests, “the final phase of these hammer and anvil tactics is the obliteration of everyone in kill zones using massed artillery.”
ဂ်ဳိလစ္ဖီအစီရင္ခံစာအရ၊ ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရဟာအဓိကေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကုိလုပ္ၾကံသတ္ျဖတ္သည့္နည္းမယ္၊အဓိကအေျခစုိက္စခန္းေတြကုိတိတိက်က်ပစ္မွတ္ထားမယ္၊ေကအန္
ေအလ္ေအတပ္နဲ.အရပ္သားေတြကုိလူသတ္ဇုံအထဲသုိ.ေရာက္သြားေအာင္စစ္ရဟတ္ယာဥ္ေတြသုံးျပီဗုံးၾကဲမယ္၊ေနာက္ဆုံးမွာလူသတ္ဇုံထဲမွာရွိသည့္
သူေတြအားလုံးကုိ(Hammer and anvil tactics)လုိ.ေခၚတဲ့နားအတြင္းပုိင္းရွိအရုိးနဲ.တူထုသည့္နည္းဗ်ဴဟာျဖင့္အေျမာက္ၾကီးငယ္ေတြသုံးျပီးေၾကညက္သြားေအာင္စစ္ဗ်ဴဟာကုိသုံးမယ္လုိ. ေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္၊

ကဲ့..ဒီေလာက္ဆုိရင္နမ္းဗီယားအေၾကာင္းလည္းသိျပီ၊ ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရကလက္ရွိစစ္ဆင္ေရးဘာေၾကာင့္လုပ္ေနသလဲ၊ဘယ္လုိနည္းဗ်ဴဟာေတြသုံးျပီး စစ္ဆင္ေရးလုပ္ေနသလဲ၊စစ္ပြဲျပီးစီးသည့္အခါစစ္ရာဇာဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္ထားတာကုိနမ္းဗီယားကအကာအကြယ္ေပးမည့္အလာအလာေတြကုိလုိရင္းတုိး ရွင္းနဲ.တင္ျပလုိက္ပါသည္၊

Nambiar, UN, undermine war crimes investigation on Sri Lanka, Burma

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 21 December 2010, 08:48 GMT]
Unchecked for the role he played in the genocide of Eezham Tamils last year, Vijay Nambiar’s UN villainy is now targeting ethnicities struggling in Burma. The Burmese military now plans to adopt the Rajapaksa doctrine of military solution to the national question in Burma, with the backing of the same establishments that backed Rajapaksa, and Vijay Nambiar is in the scene again, facilitating the agenda and shielding the war crimes. A few days ago, UK has urged the UN to replace Vijay Nambiar by another fulltime envoy to deal with Burma. According to Mizzima News Wednesday, the London-based Burma Campaign expressed extreme disappointment on the approach of Nambiar befriending military generals and ignoring nations struggling for liberation. Meanwhile, the UN panel on Sri Lanka meeting Colombo’s LLRC has raised eyebrows in the human rights circles.

While major human rights organisations of the world have boycotted Colombo’s LLRC, there are reports that Ban Ki Moon’s advisory panel on Sri Lanka may have ‘meetings’ with it. According to SL government, since it has said that anyone could come up with submissions to the LLRC, on that basis the UN panel also could come to Colombo to meet the LLRC. This means that the UN panel is treated as a party submitting before the LLRC.

Informed circles say that the UN panel has plans to meet the LLRC behind the scene somewhere outside of the island, perhaps for exchanging notes.

Sri Lanka's President Mahinda Rajapaksa has invited U.N. investigators to share evidence gathered with his own reconciliation commission. Associated Press cited Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella saying Saturday that "We resisted the panel saying we can't allow a U.N. investigation unilaterally. But in this case, the president has invited them not to undertake any investigation but to share the evidence."

The UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon praised the move, AP said.

After collecting sensitive and trusted evidence from the affected, the UN move of ‘sharing’ with LLRC is calculated to undermine the credibility of the panel which had been set half-heartedly and the modus operandi of which had already raised doubts, said human rights activists.

In Burma, Ban Ki Moon’s chief of staff, Vijay Nambiar sabotaged war crimes investigations against Burmese military at the behest of the Chinese, accuses the Mizzima article by Thomas Maung Shwe.

Indian and Chinese opposition to war crimes investigation in the island of Sri Lanka and their backing to the war crimes accused regime of Rajapaksa are well known.

The Chinese have told Nambiar that war crime inquiry in Burma would be dangerous and counterproductive, and should not be allowed to proceed. Nambiar appeared to have shared the view by omitting a proposal for war crime inquiry in his report to the UN, despite the fact that UN officials had earlier called for such an inquiry, Mizzima said.

The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma in his report in March said that abuses were a state policy that involved authorities at all levels of the executive, military and judiciary, and called for an inquiry by the UN Human Rights Council.

Ironically, Burmese military offensive in August-September targeted ethnic Chinese in the Kokang region that made thousands of them to flee to Yunnan of China. The Chinese came out only with verbal protest.

Vijay Nambiar meets  Aung San Suu Kyi
Vijay Nambiar (left) mets recently released Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi on November 27, 2010 [Photo: Mizzima]
After meeting Aung Sun Suu Kyi in Burma, Nambiar commented that he found her “out of touch and somehow too hard-line”, reports Matthew Russell Lee of the Inner City Press.

Writing on the controversial role played by Nambiar in Sri Lanka, Mizzima said: “Ban sent the former Indian diplomat to Sri Lanka despite that his own brother, retired Indian army general Satish Nambiar, had served as an adviser to the Sri Lankan military for several years.”

Citing The Times, Mizzima said that Nambiar knowingly suppressed information to the public, despite UN staff briefing him in Colombo that at least 20,000 people had died in the final stages of the war.

But there are some other Indian names that not only suppressed information but came out with misleading information on the civilians in the killing zone, contributing to the ‘smooth progress’ of war crimes.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka connection is a key factor in the renewed ethnic war in the regions of Burma, bordering Thailand, India and China, says Simon Roughneen writing in The Irrawaddy, November 29.

According to the article, while Aung San Suu Kyi, released from her years-long house arrest, has called for discussions on federal model solutions, the Burmese military is gearing up for a military solution to the ethnic issue in the model of Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka.

Rajapaksa’s first visit outside after the Vanni War was to Burma. The Burmese generals reciprocated in June 2009 by visiting Colombo and thanking Rajapaksa for his support in combating “illegal activities carried out by the LTTE in the past and in drug trafficking in the region."

But most of the poppy-growing areas in the Shan State of Burma are under the control of militia groups backed by the Burmese military, says Shan researcher and journalist Kheunsai Jaiyen, cited by The Irrawaddy.

The Burmese military is now eager to learn from Sri Lanka and to borrow methods from Sri Lanka’s COIN strategy used against the LTTE, The Irrawaddy article said, citing a recent report by researcher Kim Joliffe.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka’s army commander Jagath Jayasuriya said Wednesday that his military would be seeking UN ‘peace keeping’ missions abroad. Revealing that Colombo would be negotiating with Russia for armoured fighting vehicles, he said that his country was ready to take up foreign assignments at short notice.

In Burma, the Sri Lankan-style strategy appears primarily to target the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), The Irrawaddy said.

“In total, an estimated 446,000 people are thought to be displaced inside Burma and allegations that the army uses forced labour, forced displacement and rape as part of its campaign in ethnic minority regions are part of the campaign by rights groups to establish a Commission of Inquiry into war crimes in Burma,” The Irrawaddy further said.

According to Joliffe's report, more violence looms in Karen-populated regions in eastern Burma. The Sri Lanka-style strategy “would include the assassination of key leaders, the pinpointing of key bases and the herding of KNLA forces and civilians into kill zones using heli-borne forces.” Ominously, Joliffe suggests, “the final phase of these hammer and anvil tactics is the obliteration of everyone in kill zones using massed artillery.”

But it seems too much importance is given to the military of these terrorist states and their military ‘successes’ when the real problem lies in the attitudes of some powers and in the criminal mind of some individuals occupying establishments. The Sri Lankan state is increasingly proving itself as a crucial test case where the backbone of state terrorism should be crushed for the benefit of any fresh tide in world affairs.

The Irrawddy
Refugees fleeing from Burma to Thailand in on 28 November, 2010 [Photo courtesy: The Irrawaddy]

Tuesday, December 21, 2010

အျပင္းထန္ဆုံးတုိက္ပြဲဟုဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေစာလာပြယ္ေျပာၾကား၊ဘက္စုံစစ္မ်က္ႏွာဖြင့္ရန္အခ်ိန္တန္ျပီ

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
အျပင္းထန္ဆုံးတုိက္ပြဲဟုဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေစာလာပြယ္ေျပာၾကား၊ဘက္စုံစစ္မ်က္ႏွာဖြင့္ရန္အခ်ိန္တန္ျပီ

DKBA and Burma troop situation 122110 by Ethnic Voice of Burma

Saturday, December 18, 2010

လာမည့္တနလၤာေန.၊ညေနပုိင္းမွာဃလုံးျပည့္ၾကတ္မည္၊

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
လာမည့္တနလၤာေန.၊ညေနပုိင္းမွာဃလုံးျပည့္ၾကတ္မည္၊

လၾကတ္မွဳကုိေတြ.ျမင္ႏုိင္မည့္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားမွာ ေတာင္ႏွင့္ေျမာက္အေမရိက၊ဥေရာပေျမာက္ပုိင္းႏွင့္အေနာက္ပုိင္း၊၊အေရွ.ေျမာက္အာရွႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၏တစိတ္တစ္ေဒသ၊ကုိးရီးယားႏွင့္ဂ်ပန္း၊
၊နယူဇီလန္ေျမာက္ဘက္ကြ်န္း၊ႏွင့္ဟာဝုိင္းယီကြ်န္းတုိ.မွာလူေပါင္း၁ဒႆမ၅ ဘီလီယံတုိ.ျမင္ေတြ.ႏုိင္မွာျဖစ္သည္၊၃၄ လအတြင္းလ(ဥႆုံး)လုံးျပည့္ၾကတ္မွဳကုိၾကည့္ရွဴႏုိင္မွာျဖစ္ပါသည္။

http://news.yahoo.com/s/space/20101217/sc_space/amazingspectacletotallunareclipsemondaynight

ဗမာစစ္တပ္ ခလရ(၂၇၇)ႏွင့္ SSAတပ္မဟာ(၇၇)ရဲ.တပ္ရင္းအမွတ္(၄၀၄)တုိ.တုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြား၊ဗမာစစ္တပ္အနည္းဆုံး(၂)ေယာက္ေသဆုံး ျပီး(၅)ေယာက္ဒဏ္ရာရ

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
ဗမာစစ္တပ္ ခလရ(၂၇၇)ႏွင့္ SSAတပ္မဟာ(၇၇)ရဲ.တပ္ရင္းအမွတ္(၄၀၄)တုိ.တုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြား၊ဗမာစစ္တပ္အနည္းဆုံး(၂)ေယာက္ေသဆုံး ျပီး(၅)ေယာက္ဒဏ္ရာရ
ရွမ္းျပည္အေရွ.ပုိင္၊မုိင္းတုံျမဳိ.နယ္အေရွ.ေတာင္ဘက္မွာဗမာစစ္တပ္(ခလရ၂၇၇)အင္းအား(၆၀)ေလာက္နမ္းပေကာင္းဘက္အသြားမွာႏွင့္ssa တပ္မဟာ(၇၇)ရဲ.တပ္ရင္းအမွတ္(၄၀၄)တုိ.ကေသာၾကားေန.မနက္ပုိင္းမွာတုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျပီးဗမာစစ္တပ္ဘက္မွ(၂)ေယာက္အက်အဆုံးရွိျပီးအနည္းဆုံး(၅)ေယာက္္ဒဏ္ရာရပါသည္၊ဗမာစစ္တပ္ကအင္းအားထပ္ျဖည့္လာေနပါသည္ဟုသိရွိရပါသည္၊SSA ကလည္းေျပာက္က်ားစနစ္နဲ.တန္ျပန္မည္လုိ.ေျပာၾကား

ေခတ္မီွးေသာသန္းေရႊတပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ား

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ

ေခတ္မီွးေသာသန္းေရႊတပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ား

မန္းေရာဘတ္ ဘဇန္မွဆရာတီးမေသသုိ.

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
မန္းေရာဘတ္ ဘဇန္မွဆရာတီးမေသသုိ.


ဆရာ…
စာေရးလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ေရးဘုိ႔ လုိအပ္လာၿပီျဖစ္လုိ႔ပါ၊ ျမန္မာနဲ႔ ကရင္ သတင္းမီဒီယာ (Website နဲ႔ Blog) ေတြကေန ႏို၀င္ဘာလ (၃၀) ရက္ေန႔က ဆရာနဲ႔ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ေစာထင္ေမာင္တုိ႔ ဦးစီးတဲ့ (KNU-KNLA) အဖြဲ႔က ရဲေဘာ္ (၆) ေယာက္ကုိ လူမဆန္စြာ ရက္ ရက္စက္စက္ ဒါးနဲ႔ခုတ္သတ္၊ မီး႐ွိဳ႕ခံလုိက္ရတဲ့ သတင္းနဲ႔ဓါတ္ပံုေတြ ဘတ္႐ႈေတြ႔ျမင္ လုိက္ရတဲ့အတြက္ စိတ္မေကာင္းျခင္းျဖစ္ရသလုိ ေဒါသလည္းထြက္ရပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ့ ေသြးသားထဲက တူသားေတြ လူမဆန္စြာအသတ္ခံလုိက္ရတယ္လုိ႔ ခံစားရပါတယ္၊ က်ေနာ့လုိပဲ ျပည္တြင္းနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံတကာေရာက္ ကရင္တမ်ဳိးသားလံုးလည္း ေၾကကဲြစြာခံ စားရသလုိ လူစိတ္ရွိတဲ့ လူပီသတဲ့ ဗမာညီကုိေမာင္ႏွမမ်ားနဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိးစံုျပည္သူေတြလည္း ခံစားရမယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။

က်ေနာ့အေတြးအေခၚထဲမွာ (ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္ စစ္စည္းကမ္းဥပေဒထဲမွာ စစ္သံု႔ပန္းေတြ ကုိ ဘယ္လုိျပဳမူဆက္ဆံရမယ္၊ စစ္နဲ႔မသက္ဆုိင္တဲ့မွီခုိသူ အမ်ဳိးသမီး၊ ခေလး၊ သက္ႀကီး ရြယ္အုိ) ေတြကို ဘယ္လုိဆက္ဆံျပဳမူရမယ္ဆုိတာ မပါလု႔ိ၊ မသိလုိ႔၊ စစ္တကၠသုိလ္ေတြ မွာ မသင္ရလုိ႔ ဒီလုိ လူမဆန္တဲ့ လူသတ္မွဳမ်ဳိးကုိက်ဴးလြန္လုိက္တာလား လုိ႔ ေတြးေခၚ မိတယ္။

ခုျဖစ္စဥ္က စစ္ေျမျပင္မွာ ဖမ္းမိတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ စစ္သံု႔ပန္းေတြမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ နအဖ နဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားတဲ့၊ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္ထားတဲ့၊ ေအးေအးေဆးေဆးေနတဲ့ တပ္ကုိတ မင္သက္သက္ လာေရာက္အႏိုင္က်င့္၊ ဗုိလ္က်ေစာ္ကား ဖမ္းဆီးၿပီး ဒါးနဲ႔ထုိး၊ မီးရွိဳ႕အစ ေဖ်ာက္လုိက္တဲ့ လူသတ္မႈသက္သက္ျဖစ္တယ္ လူမဆန္တဲ့၊ တပ္မေတာ္မပီသတဲ့ ဓါးျပ လုပ္ရပ္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလုိလူမဆန္တဲ့လုပ္ရပ္မ်ဳိးကုိ တစုိက္မွတ္မွတ္လုပ္လာတဲ့ ရန္သူရဲ့ လူတန္းစား လကၡဏာကုိသိထားသင့္တယ္။

ဒီရန္သူဟာ...

(၁) မဟာဗမာလူမ်ဳိးႀကီး၀ါဒီေတြျဖစ္တယ္။

(၂) ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြျဖစ္တယ္။

(၃) ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ဓနရွင္ေတြျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္တယ္၊

(၁) နအဖ ဟာ မဟာဗမာလူမ်ဳိးႀကီး၀ါဒီေတြျဖစ္တယ္

နအဖေတြဦးေဆာင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားတဲ့ ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္ဟာ ဗမာ (၉၉) ရာခုိင္ႏွံဳးနဲ႔ ဖဲြ႔စည္း ထားတဲ့ စစ္အုပ္စုျဖစ္တယ္။ က်န္တဲ့လူမ်ဳိးေတြကုိ လူေတြလုိ႔သေဘာမထားတဲ့၊ သူတုိ႔ သာလ်ွင္ ႀကီးျမတ္တယ္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ မင္းမ်ဳိးေတြျဖစ္တယ္၊ က်န္လူမ်ဳိး ေတြဟာ ကၽြန္မ်ဳိး၊ အရုိင္းအစုိင္းေတြလုိ႔ သေဘာထားတယ္။

ငါတုိ႔သာလွွ်င္ တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ့ ကယ္တင္ရွင္ေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ႕ ေလထု၊ ေရျပင္နဲ႔ ကုန္းပုိင္း

ကုိ ငါတုိ႔ပုိုိင္တယ္။ ငါတုိ႔မွာ ေခတ္မွီလက္နက္ေတြတပ္ဆင္ထားတဲ့ တပ္္မေတာ္ႀကီး ရွိ တယ္။ ငါတုိ႔ဟာ စတုတၱဗမာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ တည္ေထာင္ေနတဲ့သန္းေရႊ မင္းဆက္ ျဖစ္ တယ္လုိ႔ ခံယူေနသူ။ ဘ၀င္ျမင့္ စိတ္ႀကီး၀င္ေနသူ ျဖစ္တယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီအုပ္စုဟာလက္နက္အားကုိးတဲ့၊ တဗုိလ္တမင္း၊ ငါ့့မင္းငါ့ခ်င္း စစ္အာဏာရွင္ မဟာဗမာဖက္ဆစ္ေတြျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္တယ္၊ ဒီအုပ္စုကုိ အမိေျမက အျပတ္ဖယ္ ရွားျဖစ္ရမဲ့၊ ေနာက္္ဆံုးစစ္ခံုရံုးတင္ၿပီး ႀကိဳးေပးသတ္ပစ္ရမဲ့ အုပ္စုျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒီလုိအုပ္စု ကုိမွ (ေရႊသမင္) ထင္ၿပီး ကုိးကြယ္မိေတာ့ အပစ္မဲ့ ရဲေဘာ္ ၆ ေယာက္ လူစိတ္ကင္းမဲ့စြာ အေခ်ာင္ အသတ္ခံလုိက္ရတာဟာ ဆရာတုိ႔မွာ လံုး၀ တာ၀န္ရွိတယ္။

ဒီလုပ္ရပ္ဟာ နအဖ နဲ႔ဆရာတုိ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရယူမိခဲ့တဲ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း ဆုလာဒ္နဲ႔ နအဖက ေပးတဲ့ ေကာင္းႀကီးမဂၤလာ တပါးေပါ့ ဒါဟာ ပ႒မအဆင့္ပဲရွိေသးတယ္။ ေနာင္ဆက္ တုိက္လာမဲ့ နအဖရဲ႕ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆုလာဒ္ တသီႀကီးရွိပါေသးတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ေစာင့္ ၾကည့္ေနပါတယ္။

(၂) နအဖဟာ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြျဖစ္တယ္

နအဖဟာ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာ မတရားစြပ္စဲြတာမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ နွစ္ေပါင္း (၆၀) ေက်ာ္ျပည္တြင္းစစ္က သက္ေသျပေနပါတယ္၊ ကရင္ျပည္ထဲ က်ဴးေက်ာ္၀င္ေရာက္လာ ၿပီးဆုိရင္ ဖက္ဆစ္ဂ်ပန္ေတြထက္ဆုိးတဲ့ လူမဆန္တဲ့လုပ္ရပ္ေတြကုိ လုပ္တယ္၊ ရြာေတြ မီး႐ွဳိ႕တယ္၊ ရြာေပါင္း (၅) ေထာင္ေက်ာ္မီး႐ွဳိ႕ခံလုိက္ရၿပီးျဖစ္တယ္။ ကရင့္သမီးပ်ဳိးေတြ ကုိ မုဒိန္း က်င့္တယ္။ အမ်ားစုအုပ္စုလုိက္ မုဒိန္းက်င့္ၿပီးသတ္ပစ္တယ္၊ စာသင္ေက်ာင္း၊ ဘုရားေက်ာင္းေတြ မီး႐ွိဳ႕တယ္၊ လမ္းမွာေတြ႔တဲ့ဘယ္သူ႔ကုိမဆုိ ပစ္သတ္တယ္။ လူေတြ ကုိေပၚတာဆဲြတယ္၊ မႏိုင္၀န္ေတြထမ္းခုိင္တယ္၊ ကရင္ျပည္သူေတြ ပုိင္ဆုိင္တဲ့ ၾကက္၊ ဘဲ၊ ၀က္၊ ကၽြဲ၊ ႏြားအိမ္ေမြးတိရိစာၧန္ေတြကုိ ခုိ္း၀က္စားေသာက္ၾကတယ္။ လူထုေတာင္ ယာ၊ ဥယာဥ္၊ ျခံေတြကုိဖ်က္ဆီးတယ္၊ မုိက္ေၾကးခဲြ ဓါးျပတုိက္တယ္။

ဒါေတြဟာ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြရဲ့ လုပ္နည္းကုိင္နည္းေတြျဖစ္တယ္။

ဖက္ဆစ္ဂ်ပန္ေတြဆီက စစ္ပညာအျပည့္အ၀ သင္ၾကားခဲ့တာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ နအဖ ေတြကုိ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြလုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ရတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီ နအဖဖက္ဆစ္ေတြဟာ ျပည္သူလူထုအတြက္ ေကာင္းတာဘာတခုလုပ္ခဲ့လုိ႔လဲ .. ဆရာ၊ ဒါေတြကုိ ဆရာနဲ႔ တပ္မဟာ (၇) က တပ္မွဴးေဟာင္းေတြသိၾကပါတယ္။ သိရက္နဲ႔ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ဒီလုိစစ္ အုပ္စုဖက္ဆစ္ေတြနဲ႔ နားလည္မွဳယူၾကရတာလဲဗ်ာ…

ဆရာတုိ႔ ခုထိ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးေစာဘဦးႀကီးရဲ႕ ေတာ္လွန္တဲ့ သစၥာတရား ၄ ပါး သုိ႔မ ဟုတ္ မူ ၄ ခ်က္ကုိ ဆက္လက္ကုိင္စဲြထားတုန္းပဲလား၊

ဒီဖက္ဆစ္ေတြဆီက က်ေနာ္တုိ႔လုိလားတဲ့ ကရင္ျပည္ေတာင္းလုိ႔ရမယ္လုိ႔ ဆရာတုိ႔ထင္ ထားသလား၊ လံုး၀ မရႏိုင္ဘူးဆရာ။ ကရင္ျပည္မေျပာနဲ႔ (တခရုိင္)။ တၿမိဳ႕နယ္ေတာင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္မရႏိုင္ဘူး၊ ထုိေကာ့ကုိး လုိ ေနရာကြက္ကြက္ကေလးမွာ ေနခြင့္ေပးမယ္၊ မေသရံုတမယ္ ကားပါမစ္ ေလးခ်ေပးမယ္၊ ေနာက္ဆံုး ဖက္္ဆစ္ေတြရဲ႕ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဆရာတုိ႔အဖဲြ႔ကုိ လက္နက္ျဖဳတ္ဘုိ႔ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ေခါင္းစဥ္ ေအာက္မွာ လက္နက္ေတြ သိမ္းယူလုိက္မွာျဖစ္တယ္၊ မယံုမရွိနဲ႔ဆရာ။ ၾကာၾကာမေစာင့္ ရပါဘူး။ လပုိင္းေလာက္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ပါ။

ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြနဲ႔ ဆရာတုိ႔ေရရွည္ေပါင္းလုိ႔ မရႏိုင္ဘူးဆရာ၊ သူတုိ႔ခုိင္းတဲ့ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ တပ္ မလုပ္ဘူးဆုိရင္ ဆရာတုိ႔ ဘာဆက္လုပ္မွာလဲ၊ လက္နက္ခ်မလား၊ အညံ့ခံမလား၊ နအဖ ဆက္ဆစ္ေတြကုိ ဦီးညြတ္အေလးျပဳမလား။ တပ္မင္းဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ လင္းထင္ လုိ အသတ္ခံမလား၊ (KRC) (Karen Revolutionary Council) က ဖါးတီ မူးဆုိးေကာ္ ကစာ ေစာဟန္တာသာေမႊးလုိ ပညာေရးအထူးအရာရွိအဆင့္နဲ႔ပဲ ဘ၀နိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့ရတာ ဆရာမွတ္မိပါလိမ့္မယ္ထင္ပါတယ္၊ သူ မဆံုးမီ က်ေနာ့့္ အေဖကုိ အမွာစကားပါးခဲ့ေသး တယ္၊ မန္းဘဇန္ကုိေျပာလုိက္ပါတဲ့ က်ေနာ္မွားသြားၿပီးတဲ့၊ ဆရာနဲ႔ တပ္မဟာ (၇) က တပ္မွဴးေဟာင္းေတြ ခုလက္ရွိ တပ္မဟာ (၇) မွဴး ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ သူရေစာေဂ်ာ္နီ ကုိ ေျပာ လုိက္ပါ၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔မွာသြားၿပီးလုိ႔ ေျပာလာမဲ့စကားကုို က်ေနာ္မၾကားခ်င္ဘူးဆရာ က်ေနာ္ အၾကားခ်င္ဆံုးစကားကေတာ့ အတြင္းစည္းေရာက္ေနတဲ့ ငါတုိ႔ တပ္ေတြက နအဖ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြရဲ႕ စခန္းႀကီးတခုကုိသိမ္းလုိက္ၿပီး ဆုိတဲ့ (Message) ပဲ ဆရာ၊ ဆရာတုိ႔ ေရြးစရာလမ္းကေတာ့ ေဒၚစု ေဖေဖ မိန္႔ၾကားခဲ့သလုိ လြတ္လပ္ေရးကုိ ေတာင္း လုိ႔ ရရင္ရ မရရင္ခ် ဆုိတဲ့ စကားကုိ လက္ေတြ႔ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚပါ ဆရာ၊ ဒီ နအဖ ဖက္ဆစ္ေတြ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔လုိခ်င္တဲ့ ကရင္ျပည္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ မေပးဘူး။ ဒီေကာင္ေတြက ရင္ျပည္ေပးလာမယ္လုိ႔ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွစိတ္ကူးမယဥ္နဲ႔ ဆုိတာ လက္နက္အျဖဳပ္မခံရခင္ သတိေပးလုိက္တာပါ၊

(၃) နအဖေတြဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ ဓနရွင္ေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္

နအဖေတြကုိ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ ဓနရွင္လုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ရတာက ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အာ ဏာကုိ ေသနတ္ေတြရယူထားၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ့ သယံဇာတ အားလံုးကုိ လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ ၿပီး စစ္အုပ္စုရဲ့ မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုေတြအတြက္လုပ္ကုိင္ေနလုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္ရတာျဖစ္တယ္။

ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီမရွိဘူး၊ တရားမွ်တမွဳမရွိဘူး၊ တန္းတူမွဳမရွိဘူး၊ ဥပေဒ စုိးမုိးမွဳ မရွိဘူး၊ လူမ်ဳိးေတြရဲ့ ရပုိင္ခြင့္မရွိသလုိ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ့ ရပုိင္ခြင့္ အားလံုးဆံုး႐ႈံးေနၿပီး ျဖစ္ တယ္။ အထက္ပါအခ်က္ ၃ ခ်က္နဲ႔ အနည္းဆံုးျပည့္ ေနလုိ႔ နအဖ ကုိ မဟာဗမာ လူမ်ဳိး ႀကီး၀ါဒီ၊ ဖက္္ဆစ္စစ္အာဏာရွင္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ ဓနရွင္လုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္လုိက္ တာျဖစ္တယ္။

ဆရာ…
ေနာက္ဆံုး ေျပာလုိတာက က်ဆံုးသြားတဲ့ ရဲေဘာ္ ၆ ေယာက္အတြက္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ၀မ္းနည္း ယူၾကံဳးမရ ျဖစ္ရပါတယ္၊ ေသနတ္ကုိင္ထားတာ ကရင္ျပည္သူ႔အက်ဳိးစီးပြားကို ကာကြယ္ယံုမကဘူး၊ တုိင္းျပည္တ၀ွန္းလံုးရွိ လူမ်ဳိးစံုျပည္သူတရပ္လံုးရဲ့ အသက္ အုိး အိမ္စည္းစိမ္ကုိကာကြယ္ဘုိ႔ပါ တာ၀န္ရွိတယ္။ တျပည္လံုးကုိ မကာကြယ္ေသးမီ မိမိတုိ႔ အဖြဲ႔၏ အသက္လံုျခံဳမွဳကုိ အရင္ဆံုးလုပ္ေဆာင္ပါ၊ ရွိပီးသား လက္နက္ေတြကုိ က်စ္က်စ္ ဆုတ္ထားပါ၊ ကရင္အခ်င္းခ်င္းေသြးေျမက် မျဖစ္ေအာင္ ေစာင့္ထိမ္းပါ၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး ေစာဘဦးႀကီးရဲ႕ ၾသ၀ါဒကုိေျမ၀ယ္မက် စဲြကုိင္ပါလုိ႔မွာၾကားရင္း နိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ျပဳပါ။

မန္းေရာဘတ္ ဘဇန္
ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၁၅) ရက္-၂၀၁၀၊
http://thawthikho.blogspot.com/2010/12/blog-post_5270.html ေသာသီးခုိးဘေလာ့မွာသြားဖတ္ျပီး
ကုိမုိးသီးဇြန္ဘေလာ့မွရယူေဖာ္ျပသည္၊

Thursday, December 16, 2010

ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ေစာလားပြယ္ (ေခၚ)ဗိုလ္ႏွုတ္ခမ္းေမြး ကရင့္ ဒီမိုက ေရစီ သူရဲေကာင္းဆု ရရွိ

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ေစာလားပြယ္ (ေခၚ)ဗိုလ္ႏွုတ္ခမ္းေမြး ကရင့္ ဒီမိုက ေရစီ သူရဲေကာင္းဆု ရရွိ



အဲေခါင္ေသာင့္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၁၄၊ ၂၀၁၀ခုႏွစ္ (ေစာဘဦးၾကီး Facebook မွရယူသည္)
...ေနာ္ေ၀ႏိုင္ငံအေျခစိုက္ ဘက္မလိုက္ ကရင္အဖြဲ႔မွ ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္မဟာ ၅တပ္မွဴး ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ေစာလားပြယ္ (ေခၚ) ဗိုလ္ႏွုတ္ခမ္းေမြးအား ဒီဇင္ ဘာလ ၄ရက္ေန႔က ကရင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ သူရဲေကာင္း ဆု ေပးအပ္ ခ်ီးျမွင့္ လိုက္သည္။

ကရင့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး ေစာဘဦးၾကီး ၏ မူေလးခ်က္ အေပၚ အေျခခံကာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အတြက္ မားမား မတ္မတ္ ရပ္တည္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အဆိုပါ ဆုကို လက္ခံ ရရွိသြားျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုေပးပြဲ စီစဥ္သူမ်ား၏ ေျပာဆိုခ်က္အရ သိရသည္။
အဆိုပါ ဆုေပးပြဲကို ေနာ္ေ၀ႏိုင္ငံ Hokksundရွိ Senterkire ဘုရားရွိခိုးေက်ာင္းတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ျပီး ေနာ္ေ၀ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ကရင္ႏွင့္ ဗမာအမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား၊ ေနာ္ေ၀ႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ား စုစုေပါင္း ၁၀၀ေက်ာ္ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။

အဆိုပါဆုကို ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ ေစာလားပြယ္၏ ကိုယ္စား ေနာ္ေ၀ႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားတဦးက လက္ခံရယူခဲ့ျပီး ဆုေငြယူရို(၁၀၀၀)ေပးအပ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု သိရွိရသည္။
အလားတူ အဆိုပါဆုေပးသည့္ အခမ္းအနားတြင္ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ႏွဳတ္ခမ္းေမြးမွ တယ္လီဖုန္းမွ တဆင့္ ေနာ္ေ၀အေျခစိုက္ ဘက္မလိုက္ ကရင္အဖြဲ႔ကို ေက်းဇူးတင္စကား ေျပာဆိုသြားျပီး အမ်ဳိးသားအေပၚ ထားရွိေသာ သေဘာထားမ်ားႏွင့္ ခံယူခ်က္မ်ားကို ေျပာဆိုသြားခဲ့သည္ဟု သတင္းရရွိပါသည္။

ဆုခ်ီးျမွင့္ပြဲ အခမ္းအနား မွတ္တမ္းဓါတ္ပံု

ဂရိႏုိင္ငံ၊အာသံျမဳိ.ေပၚမွာမီးေလာင္ဗုံးေတြ၊ခဲေတြမုိးရြာသကဲ့သုိ.ရြားသြန္းေန၊

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
ဂရိႏုိင္ငံ၊အာသံျမဳိ.ေပၚမွာမီးေလာင္ဗုံးေတြ၊ခဲေတြမုိးရြာသကဲ့သုိ.ရြားသြန္းေန၊လစာ(၁၀)ရာခုိင္းႏွဳန္းျဖတ္ေတာက္မွဳေၾကာင့္အစုိးရဝန္ထမ္းမ်ား(၂၀၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္လမ္းေပၚထြက္ျပီးဆႏၵျပ၊ပုိ.ေဆာင္ေရးဝန္ၾကီးတစ္ေယာက္ေသြးထြက္သည့္အထိတုိက္ခုိက္ခံရ၊ဗမာျပည္မွာဓါတ္ဆီးေစ်းႏွဳန္းထပ္တက္အုံးမွာ
လား၊သန္းေရႊလည္းေအာက္ကဗြီဒီယုိကုိမင္းၾကည့္ထားပါ၊မင္းလည္းနာအုံးမွာ၊



Wednesday, December 15, 2010

SAO HSO HOM Interview with Renowned Australia Journalist Phil Thornton

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
Renowned Australia Journalist Phil Thornton Interviews with Sao Hso Hom

Last of the breed: life of a Shan prince (Part One) Renowned Australian journalist Phil Thornton interviewed Sao Hso Hom, son of Sao Sam Tun, late Prince of Mongpawn and "Minister of Frontier Areas" who was assassinated along with Gen Aung San, on 30 July 2010. In Part One, Sao Hso Hom recalls how his father died, life at school and life as a prince, a politician and a political prisoner.







Monday, December 13, 2010

နအဖႏွင့္ ဒီေကဘီေအၾကား တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ဆက္လက္ ျဖစ္ပြားေန

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
နအဖႏွင့္ ဒီေကဘီေအၾကား တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ဆက္လက္ ျဖစ္ပြားေန
တနလၤာေန႔၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ 13 ရက္ 2010 ခုႏွစ္ ေစာသိန္းျမင့္ သတင္း - ေကအိုင္စီ

ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ ေ၀ၚေလေဒသႏွင့္ ခ်ဴကလီးေဒသဘက္တြင္ နအဖႏွင့္ ဒီေကဘီေအတုိ႔ၾကား တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ဆက္လက္ ျဖစ္ပြား ခဲ့ရာ တုိက္ပဲြအေျခအေနမွာ ယေန႔အထိ ျပင္းထန္လွ်က္ရွိသည္ဟု ေကအိုင္စီက စုံစမ္းသိရွိရသည္။

ယေန႔ ေန႔လည္တြင္ ခ်ဴကလီးေဒသ၌ အသစ္ ၀င္ေရာက္လႈပ္ရွားလာသည့္ စကခ(၁၉)လက္ေအာက္ခံ ခလရ(၂၉၉)၊ ခမရ (၅၈၆)ႏွင့္ ေ၀ၚေလေက်းရြာ သုခၿမိဳင္ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းရွိ နအဖ စကခ(၈) လက္ေအာက္ခံ ခမရ(၄၀၉)တပ္ဖဲြ႕အား ဒီေကဘီ ေအ ကလုိ႔ထူးေဘာဗ်ဴဟာမွ ၃ႀကိမ္ အျပန္အလွန္ ပစ္ခတ္မႈျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္ဟု ခ်ဴကလီးေဒသတြင္ လႈပ္ရွားေနေသာ ဒီေကဘီ ေအ ကလုိ႔ထူးေဘာဗ်ဴဟာ လက္နက္ႀကီးတပ္ဖဲြ႕မွ ဒုဗုိလ္ေစာစမင္းက ေျပာသည္။

သူက “ဒီေန႔ ေန႔လည္ ၁၂း၁၅မိနစ္အခ်ိန္မွာ  ခ်ဴကလီးေဒသ ေမာ္ကေနာ္ခီးမွာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔တပ္ဖဲြ႕နဲ႔  နအဖ ခလရ(၂၉၉)ၾကား လက္နက္ႀကီးလက္နက္ငယ္ေတြနဲ႔ ၁၀မိနစ္ၾကာ အျပန္အလွန္ ပစ္ခတ္ၾကတယ္။ ၁၂း၄၅မိနစ္အခ်ိန္မွာလည္း ေ၀ၚေလမွာရွိတဲ့ နအဖ ခမရ(၄၀၉)တပ္ရင္းကို ၅မိနစ္ေလာက္ က်ေနာ့္လူေတြ တက္ပစ္တယ္။ ဒီညေန ၄း၄၅မိနစ္မွာလည္း ေမာ္ကႏူခီးတ၀ုိက္ မွာပဲ  ခမရ(၅၈၆)နဲ႔လည္း ၁၀မိနစ္ၾကာ အျပန္အလွန္ ပစ္ခတ္ၾကတယ္။”ဟု ေျပာသည္။

အဆုိပါပစ္ခတ္မႈတြင္ နအဖဘက္က ထိခုိက္က်ဆုံးမႈမ်ား ရွိေသာ္လည္း စာရင္းအတိအက် သိရွိရန္အတြက္ စုံစမ္းေနဆဲျဖစ္ သလုိ ေျပာက္က်ားစစ္ႏွင့္ ခ်ဳံခုိတုိက္ပဲြျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ ဒီေကဘီေအဘက္က ထိခုိက္မႈ တစုံတရာ မရွိေၾကာင္း ဒုဗုိလ္ေစာစ မင္းက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

ထုိ႔အျပင္ ေ၀ၚေလေဒသရွိ ဖလူးေက်းနယ္ဘက္တြင္ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၃ရက္ခန္႔ကတည္းက နအဖႏွင့္ ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ဖဲြ႕၀င္မ်ား အၾကား ပစ္ခတ္မႈ ေခတၱ ရပ္တန္႔သြားေသာ္လည္း ယခုရက္ပုိင္းအတြင္း နအဖ စစ္တပ္ဘက္မွ စစ္သည္အင္အား ျဖည့္ဆည္း လွ်က္ရွိေသာေၾကာင့္ တုိက္ပဲြမ်ား ထပ္မံ ျဖစ္ပြားႏုိင္မည့္ အေျခအေနရွိေၾကာင္းလည္း ဖလူးရြာသားတဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ယခုလို ေ၀ၚေလေက်းရြာတြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည့္တုိက္ပဲြေၾကာင့္ ေ၀ၚေလရြာသူရြာသားအားလုံးနီးပါးမွာ မိမိတို႔၏ ေက်းရြာမွ ထုိင္း ဘက္ျခမ္းသုိ႔ ယေန႔ ထပ္မံ ထြက္ေျပးလာရျပန္သည္ဟု အမည္မေဖာ္လုိသည့္ ေ၀ၚေလရြာသားတဦးက ေကအုိင္စီကို ေျပာ သည္။

အလားတူ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ ဖားအံခ႐ုိင္ လႈိင္းဘဲြၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ႏုိေဒးဂြင္တြင္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၁၁ရက္ေန႔က နအဖ စစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ ဗိုလ္မွဴးေစာတာမလာ ဦးစီးသည့္ KNLA တပ္ရင္း(၂၀၂)တို႔ ၃ႀကိမ္ဆက္တုိက္ တုိက္ပဲြျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ရာ နအဖဘက္မွ ဗိုလ္ႀကီးတဦး၊ တပ္ၾကပ္ႀကီးတဦးႏွင့္ တပ္သား ၂ဦး အျပင္းအထန္ ဒဏ္ရာရရွိခဲ့သည္ဟု ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္မဟာ(၇) ႐ုံးထုိ္င္မွဴး ဗုိလ္ မွဴးေစာအဲဆဲဆဲက ေျပာသည္။

“အဲဒီေန႔က သံုးႀကိမ္ျဖစ္တာ။ ဒီႏိုေဒးဂြင္တစ္ခုထဲမွာပဲ က်ေနာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ တပ္ရင္း(၂၀၂)က ဒုရင္းမွဴး ဗိုလ္တာမလာရဲ႕အဖြဲ႕နဲ႔ ခမရ (၃၃၈)တို႔ မနက္ ၉း၁၅ နာရီမွာတႀကိမ္။ ခမရ(၅၈၇)နဲ႔ မနက္ ၉း၃၀နာရီမွာတႀကိမ္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ေနာက္ၿပီး အူးမိုးခီးရြာရဲ႕ အျပင္ ဖက္မွာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ (၂၀၂)တပ္ဖြဲ႕နဲ႔ ခလရ(၂၈)နဲ႔ ၉း၃၀နာရီမွာပဲ ျဖစ္ၾကေတာ့ အဲဒီသံုးပြဲမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္က ထိခိုက္မႈ မရွိဘူး။ နအဖဘက္ကေတာ့ အရာရွိ အပါအ၀င္ ၄ဦး ထိခိုက္မႈရွိတယ္။”ဟု ဆိုသည္။

၎အျပင္ ယေန႔မနက္ ၁၀နာရီ၀န္းက်င္တြင္ အဆုိပါ ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္ရင္း(၂၀၂)တပ္ဖြဲ႔သည္ ပိုင္က်ဳံ(တာကရယ္) ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ပြိဳင့္ ၉၁၃ေနရာရွိ နအဖ ခမရ( ၅၈၇)ကို ေျပာက္က်ားပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ႏွစ္ဖက္ ထိခိုက္မႈမရွိဟု သိရသည္။

Saturday, December 11, 2010

စစ္အစိုးရ တပ္ေခၚက်ဳိးေျခကုပ္စခန္းကို ဒီေကဘီေအက သိမ္းပိုက္

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
စစ္အစိုးရ တပ္ေခၚက်ဳိးေျခကုပ္စခန္းကို ဒီေကဘီေအက သိမ္းပိုက္
ေနာ္အဲဏီ၊ ေကာင္း၀ါ

နတ္ေတာ္လဆန္း ၅ရက္။ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၁၁၊၂၀၁၀။

ေနာ္အဲဏီ္(ဒီဇင္ဘာ-၁၁)။    ။ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္မ်ား ေျခကုပ္ယူထားရာ ျမ၀တီခရိုင္၊ ဖလူးေလးေတာင္ဘက္ တပ္ေခၚက်ဳိးေတာင္တန္းကို ဒီဇင္ဘာလ(၉)ရက္ မနက္(၁၀)နာရီအခ်ိန္မွာ ဒီေကဘီေအတပ္မွ ၀င္ေရာက္ သိမ္းပိုက္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ဒီေကဘီေအ ဗ်ဴဟာ(၁)စစ္ဆင္ေရးမွဴး ဂ်ီထူး ဗိုလ္မွဴးေစာဆန္းေအာင္မွေျပာပါသည္။
ဒီေကဘီေအ(၉၀၉)ဒုတပ္ရင္းမွဴး ဗိုလ္မွဴးေစာခ်မုေစး
 “နအဖ တပ္ရင္း(၅၄၇) ၊ (၂၃၀) ဆုတ္ကုန္ျပီးေနာ္၊ တိုက္ပြဲ ႀကီးႀကီး (၂) ရက္ ဆက္တိုက္ ျဖစ္တယ္ေနာ္။ (၂)ရက္ဆက္တိုက္ အႀကိတ္အနယ္ ျဖစ္ၾကတယ္ေနာ္။ ဒီေန႕က်ေနာ္တို႕ (၁၀) နာရီေလာက္မွာ ၀င္ရွင္းတယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တို႕ တက္ရွင္းတာ အေလာင္းတစ္ခုရတယ္။ ေျမပုံရတယ္၊ မွတ္တမ္းမွတ္ရာရတယ္၊ ေနာက္သူတို႕ ဆက္သြယ္ေရးစက္ေျပာတဲ့ လက္လွည့္ လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓါတ္အားေပးစက္ရတယ္။ သူတို႕က်န္ေနတဲ့ ရိကၡာေတြကိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႕ မီးရွိဳ႕လိုက္ျပီး။”

ဒီဇင္ဘာလ(၆)ရက္ေန႕ ညေနကတည္းကစျပီး ဒီေကဘီေအဘက္မွစတင္ထိုးစစ္ဆင္ခဲ့သည္ဟုဆိုသည္။

ယခုဆုတ္ခြာသြားသည့္ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ရင္းစစ္ေၾကာင္းမ်ားသည္ ျမ၀တီျမိဳ႕ေတာင္ဘက္ ဖလူးႀကီးရြာကို ေရာက္ ရွိေနသည့္ တပ္မ(၄၄)လက္ေအာက္ခံ စစ္ေၾကာင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ေပါင္းျပီး ဒီေကဘီေအတပ္မ်ားကို ျပန္လာ တိုက္ဖို႕ရွိေၾကာင္း ဒီေကဘီေအဘက္မွဆိုပါသည္။

ဒီဇင္ဘာ(၈)ရက္ေန႕တြင္လည္း ျမ၀တီခရိုင္၊ ေ၀ၚေလေက်းရြာ အနားတြင္ရွိေသာ စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ေျခကုပ္ ယူထားရာ ဗ်ဴဟာကုန္း၊ သံမဏိကုန္း ႏွင့္ ကြန္မန္ဒိုကုန္းကို ဒီေကဘီေအတပ္ရင္း (၉၀၉)  ဒုတပ္ရင္းမွဴး ဗိုလ္မွဴးေစာခ်မုေစး ဦးေဆာင္ေသာအဖြဲ႕က ည ၈ နာရီ မိနစ္ ၂၀ ကေန ၉ နာရီအထိ မိနစ္ (၄၀) ၾကာ (၃) ေနရာစလုံး တျပိဳင္တည္း ၀င္ေရာက္တုိက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သည္ဟု အဆိုပါတိုက္ပြဲကို ဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့သူ ဗိုလ္မွဴးခ်မုေစးက ေျပာပါသည္။

“တပ္ခြဲမွဴး ေစာသန္းထြန္း အဖြဲ႕က သံမဏိကုန္းက နအဖ စကခ (၈) လက္ေအာက္ခံ တပ္ရင္း (၄၀၄)ကိုသြား၀င္ပစ္တယ္၊ တပ္ခြဲမွဴး တာအိုမူး ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့အဖြဲ႕က ကြန္မန္ဒိုကုန္း နအဖတပ္ရင္း (၄၀၄) ၊ ဒုတပ္ခြဲမွဴး ဖားဒိ အဖြဲ႕က ဗ်ဴဟာကုန္းက နအဖတပ္ရင္း (၄၀၁) ကို တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ သူတို႕သြားပစ္တယ္”
သို႕ေသာ္ ၄င္းေ၀ၚေလစခန္းမ်ားကို မသိမ္းပိုက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ေပ၊၊ နအဖတပ္မ်ားသည္၊ ႏို၀င္ဘာ (၉)ရက္ ေန႕ ကတည္းကသိမ္းပိုက္ထားသည့္ ေ၀ၚေလစခန္းေရာက္တပ္မ်ားအတြက္ လိုအပ္ေနသည့္ စားနပ္ရိကၡာေဆး၀ါး မ်ားကိုလည္း ကေန႕အထိ မပို႕ေပးႏုိင္ေသးေၾကာင္းေဒသခံမ်ားမွေျပာပါသည္။ အေၾကာင္းမွာ စစ္ကူလာသည့္ တပ္မ်ားကို ဒီေကဘီေအက ျဖတ္တိုက္ေနသည့္အတြက္ အထိအခိုက္အက်အဆံုးမ်ားေနေသာေၾကာင့္ သြားေရာက္ မပို႕ေပးႏိုင္တာျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဒီေကဘီေအဖက္ကေျပာပါသည္။

Friday, December 10, 2010

ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရတပ္ဖမ္းဆီးျပီးအရွင္လတ္လတ္မီးရွဳိ.ပစ္သတ္သည့္ကရင္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေကာင္စီအဖြဲ.ဝင္ရဲေဘာ(၆)ဦး (ရုပ္သံ)

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရတပ္ဖမ္းဆီးေခၚေဆာင္သြားျပီးအရွင္လတ္လတ္မီးရွဳိ.ပစ္သတ္သည့္ကရင္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးေကာင္စီအဖြဲ.ဝင္ရဲေဘာ(၆)ဦး (ရုပ္သံ)

NLD ဦးေလးၾကီးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ဗမာျပည္ဒီမုိကေရစီေႏွာင္းေႏွးေနရေၾကာင္းႏွင့္တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြကုိဒုတိယ တန္းစားဦးခ်ေတာင္းပန္သူမ်ားအျဖစ္အခန္းက႑ေလွ်ာ.ခ်ထားျခင္းဟုဝီကီလိခ္မွာေဖာ္ျပ

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
 Wikileak page

 NLD ဦးေလးၾကီးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ဗမာျပည္ဒီမုိကေရစီေႏွာင္းေႏွးေနရေၾကာင္းႏွင့္တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြကုိဒုတိယ တန္းစားဦးခ်ေတာင္းပန္သူမ်ားအျဖစ္အခန္းက႑ေလွ်ာ.ခ်ထားျခင္းဟုဝီကီလိခ္မွာေဖာ္ျပ

အန္ေအလ္ဒီအန္ကဲလ္ၾကီးမ်ားကုိဘာအျပစ္ေပးရင္ေကာင္းမလဲလုိ.စဥ္းစားေနတုန္းပဲဗ်ာ၊တုိင္းသူျပည္သားမ်ား ကုိ(၂၂)ႏွစ္ၾကာေအာင္ဒုကၡတြင္းထဲသုိ.ပုိ.ေဆာင္သည့္သူမ်ားအထဲမွာဒီလူေတြလည္းပါဝင္ေနတာေၾကာင့္သန္း ေရႊတုိ.နဲ.အျပစ္ဒဏ္ထပ္တူေပးသင့္မယ္ထင္တယ္၊တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံမွတ္မိပါတယ္၊ဟုိတစ္ခါက၊အန္အဲလ္ဒီအ ဖြဲ.ဝင္ညီလာခံေခၚယူေရးအတြက္အဖြဲ.သူအဖြဲ.ဝင္သားမ်ားေတာင္းဆုိလာသည့္အခါ ဦးေအာင္ေရႊကေမာင္သန္းေရႊဆီစာေရးျပီးခြင့္ေတာင္းခဲ့သည္ကုိစာဖတ္သူမ်ားလည္းမွတ္မိမယ္ထင္တယ္၊ေမာင္ သန္းေရႊကအေၾကာင္းမျပန္လုိ.ေစာင့္ရင္းေစာင့္ရင္းနဲ.ဘာမွမလုပ္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါ၊...ထပ္ေျပာျပရင္ရင္နာစရာေကာင္း လွပါဘိ၊ယုတ္မာလုိက္တာ...ထြီး..ထြီ..၊

The recent statement Aung San Suu Kyi released through UN Special Envoy Gambari indicated she is aware of this 
problem and wants to rectify it. The overture she offered to the ethnic nationalities was welcomed by the cease-fire 
group leaders with whom we spoke. But her party failed to follow up on her initiative and issued only a half-hearted 
invitation for the ethnic leaders to visit them at NLD headquarters in Rangoon. Once again, they reduced the role of 
the ethnics to second-class supplicants. The timing of ASSK’s statement was strategic: just before the referendum on 
a constitution, which many of the cease-fire groups were unhappy with because the regime had failed to include key 
compromises promised by former PM Khin Nyunt before his ouster. A genuine overture from the NLD offered the best 
chance yet to split the cease-fire groups from the regime and undermine its credibility with its regional supporters. 
The Uncles failed to use this opportunity, so the cease-fire groups continue their relationship with the regime.

 


Viewing cable 08RANGOON557, CONTINUING THE PURSUIT OF DEMOCRACY IN BURMA

If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
08RANGOON557 2008-07-14 06:06 2010-12-09 21:09 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Rangoon

VZCZCXRO6089
OO RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHHM RUEHNH RUEHTRO
DE RUEHGO #0557/01 1960656
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 140656Z JUL 08
FM AMEMBASSY RANGOON
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7905
INFO RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE
RUEHGG/UN SECURITY COUNCIL COLLECTIVE
RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA 1345
RUEHNE/AMEMBASSY NEW DELHI 4870
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 8433
RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO 5995
RUEHCHI/AMCONSUL CHIANG MAI 1703
RHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 1850
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC
Monday, 14 July 2008, 06:56
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 RANGOON 000557 
SIPDIS 
DEPT FOR EAP/MLS, DRL, AND IO 
PACOM FOR FPA 
EO 12958 DECL: 07/13/2018 
TAGS PGOV, PREL, PHUM, BM 
SUBJECT: CONTINUING THE PURSUIT OF DEMOCRACY IN BURMA 
RANGOON 00000557 001.2 OF 004
Classified By: P/E Chief Leslie Hayden for Reasons 1.4 (b) & (d)
1. (SBU) Embassy Rangoon pol/econ chief departs Post this week after ending a two-year tour that saw the largest 
political uprising in Burma in twenty years, the arrest and imprisonment of the pro-democracy opposition’s most talented
leaders, and the worst natural disaster in Burma’s recorded history. We asked her to share her candid observations on 
the current political situation, and her recommendations on how best to advance our democratic goals.
------------------- 
The Senior Generals
------------------- 
2. (C) The Burma army remains firmly in control throughout most of the country, with Senior General Than Shwe 
retaining almost absolute power. He has the final word on all significant political and economic decisions. While outsiders 
may portray him as an uneducated, crass, and blundering man, he has successfully consolidated and held onto power 
for several years, while at the same time building lucrative relationships with his energy hungry neighbors that undermine
Western efforts to cripple his regime.
3. (C) The generals keep their power through a vast system of economic patronage, not unlike a Western style Mafia. 
Military-owned enterprises control every profit-making natural resource and industry in the country. Economic prosperity
can only be enjoyed by rising thorough the ranks of the Army, or having extremely close ties to the senior generals. This 
is why China’s urging to the generals to begin reforming Burma’s economy falls on deaf ears. Economic liberalization and 
reform would require the generals to dismantle the very system that ensures their power. Dismantling this system will be 
one of the biggest challenges for any future democratic leader of Burma.
4. (C) Rumors of splits at the top of the regime are the result of uninformed analysis and wishful thinking of the exiles 
and outside observers. While the senior generals may disagree from time-to-time amongst themselves (as witnessed after
Nargis), they follow the orders of Than Shwe. The senior generals are keenly aware that if they do not stand together, 
they will fall together. True democratic change will not likely happen until the top two generals, Than Shwe and Maung 
Aye, are off the scene. Both are extremely concerned for the safety and financial security of themselves and their families.
Third-ranking general Thura Shwe Mann is rumored to be Than Shwe’s pick for Burma’s President in 2010, but if Than
Shwe and Maung Aye are still alive, they will likely pull his strings from behind the scenes. Sources close to Thura Shwe 
Mann tell us he is smart, sophisticated, and well-aware of Burma’s problems. Some talented Burmese intellectuals and  
political dissidents tell us they pass him policy papers that are reportedly solicited on his behalf. However, he is intimately 
involved in Burma’s corruption, primarily through his sons’ business interests.
5. (C) Several of our sources close to high and mid-ranking military officers tell us that some of the regional commanders
are reform-minded and aware of the need for political and economic reform. However, most of the military believe that 
working within Burma’s current military system is the only way to bring about this change while maintaining stability. 
While some officers begrudgingly respect Aung San Suu Kyi, they do not sympathize with the pro-democracy opposition
in general. We should not expect an imminent coup to save us from the hard-line senior generals.
--------------------------------------------- -- 
Aung San Suu Kyi and the Pro-Democracy Movement
--------------------------------------------- -- 
6. (C) Since the September protests, the most dynamic and talented leaders of Burma’s pro-democracy movement 
have been jailed, left the country, or remain in hiding. Tellingly, the NLD remain free. While many outside Burma 
perpetuate the
RANGOON 00000557 002.2 OF 004
impression of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party as a large movement with massive support
waiting to take the Parliamentary seats they won in the 1990 election, the reality is quite different. Without a doubt, Aung
San Suu Kyi remains a popular and beloved figure of the Burman majority, but this status is not enjoyed by her party. 
Already frustrated with the sclerotic leadership of the elderly NLD “Uncles”, the party lost even more credibility within 
the pro-democracy movement when its leaders refused to support the demonstrators last September, and even publicly 
criticized them.
7. (C) Many of the younger political activists are turning away from the NLD and preparing to run in the 2010 
parliamentary elections, to effect political change any way they can. This includes members of 88 Generation. 
There is reportedly an ongoing, heated debate among the 88 Generation leaders in Insein prison on whether or not 
the groups’ members should contest the election, with Ko Ko Gyi advocating members do so, and Min Ko Naing opting 
for a boycott. Those who want to run tell us they do not agree with the new constitution and despise the regime’s 
roadmap to democracy. However, with the absence of any alternative, they see the new Parliament as a possible 
mechanism for dialogue between the military, the pro-democracy opposition, and the ethnic cease-fire groups.
8. (C) The way the Uncles run the NLD indicates the party is not the last great hope for democracy and Burma. 
The Party is strictly hierarchical, new ideas are not solicited or encouraged from younger members, and the Uncles 
regularly expel members they believe are “too active.” NLD youth repeatedly complain to us they are frustrated with 
the party leaders. Repeated overtures from and “summits” with the leaders of the 88 Generation in 2007 failed to result in
any significant cooperation between the factions. Indeed, lack of unity among the pro-democracy opposition remains 
one of the biggest obstacles to democratic change in Burma.
9. (C) The “Uncles” have repeatedly rebuffed the most dynamic and creative members of the pro-democracy opposition 
, who reinvigorated the pro-democracy movement throughout 2006 and 2007 by strategically working to promote 
change through grass-roots human rights and political awareness and highlighting the regime’s economic mismanagement
. Nor has the party made any effort to join forces with the technically sophisticated bloggers and young, internet-savvy 
activists, who have been so clever at getting out the images which repeatedly damaged the regime and undermined its i
nternational credibility. Instead, the Uncles spend endless hours discussing their entitlements from the 1990 elections and 
abstract policy which they are in no position to enact. XXXXXXXXXXXX Additionally, most MPs-elect show little concern for
the social and economic plight of most Burmese, and therefore, most Burmese regard them as irrelevant.
---------------------------- 
The Ethnic Cease-Fire Groups
---------------------------- 
10. (C) The cease-fire groups remain an important component of Burma’s future political stability and it is noteworthy 
that none have chosen to support Aung San Suu Kyi and her party. Instead, they have entered dialogue with the regime,
at the same time cutting lucrative concession deals for many of groups’ leaders. However, many leaders of the cease-fire 
groups have told us they would cast their lot with whomever best looked out for their interests. However badly the regime 
does this, the NLD has repeatedly missed opportunities to reach out to the cease-fire groups to demonstrate that they would. 
Instead, it has consistently issued statements calling for a dialogue between the NLD and regime first, before the ethnic cease-
fire groups are brought into the mix.  They have also continually feuded with ethnic MPs-elect on the Committee to Represent
the People’s Parliament (CRPP).
RANGOON 00000557 003.2 OF 004
11. (C) It is these long-held ethnic tensions that has kept the cease-fire groups from defecting from their dialogue with the 
regime to form an alliance with the NLD. Many of Burma’s neighbors, including China, are aware of the tension between the 
NLD and the ethnic nationalities. The NLD’s continuing alienation of the ethnic minority groups gives credence to the regime’s 
most effective argument with its neighbors and ASEAN: that the military is the only force capable of guaranteeing stability in Burma.
12. (C) The recent statement Aung San Suu Kyi released through UN Special Envoy Gambari indicated she is aware of this problem 
and wants to rectify it. The overture she offered to the ethnic nationalities was welcomed by the cease-fire group leaders with whom 
we spoke. But her party failed to follow up on her initiative and issued only a half-hearted invitation for the ethnic leaders to visit them
at NLD headquarters in Rangoon. Once again, they reduced the role of the ethnics to second-class supplicants. The timing of ASSK’s 
statement was strategic: just before the referendum on a constitution, which many of the cease-fire groups were unhappy with 
because the regime had failed to include key compromises promised by former PM Khin Nyunt before his ouster. A genuine overture
from the NLD offered the best chance yet to split the cease-fire groups from the regime and undermine its credibility with its regional
supporters. The Uncles failed to use this opportunity, so the cease-fire groups continue their relationship with the regime.
------------------------- 
Where do We Go From Here?
------------------------- 
13. (C) Throughout the country, there is still widespread and growing frustration with the regime for its brutal and 
incompetent rule. Though most Burmese do not believe the NLD will be able to bring about democratic change, at least 
while ASSK is under house arrest, they have not given up on working for democracy. Instead, they are taking matters 
into their own hands and creatively working in what space is available to improve the lives of their communities.
14. (C) Like the many community-based organizations (CBOs), religious organizations, and civil society groups that 
responded to Cyclone Nargis while the international community was shut out, many dissidents and ordinary Burmese 
are creatively trying to incorporate democratic principles into their civil society programs, including private-tuition schools,
environmental programs, health education, and religious organizations. Through this process, change will come about more
slowly than most want, but it is a channel that functions where most other options were shut down by the regime after the
September 2007 demonstrations. It is also a method that promotes change from the grass roots, teaching community 
responsibility at the local level, rather than a top-down movement by the urban, intellectual elite. A strong civil society is 
something we should seek and encourage in Burma. It will make any democratic transition in Burma more likely to succeed.
15. (C) Ending Burma’s isolation will also be integral to any successful long-term change in the country. No matter how 
democratic transition comes about in Burma, the military will be involved given its vast control over the political and 
economic structures of the country. We should make an effort to seek out and speak with the more progressive military 
officers and to those who have access to the senior generals. Their hostility to democratic change is motivated by paranoia 
and distrust of the West, and a belief that we seek to punish them and obliterate a significant role for them in Burma’s future.
If we want to counter this, we should pursue dialogue directly with them rather than through intermediaries who can 
sometimes garble messages.
16. (C) If we do decide to speak with the generals again, we should do it strategically. Dialogue could be used as a tool to 
bring the generals into the twenty-first century.
RANGOON 00000557 004.2 OF 004
Discussions could take place on the margins of international fora, exposing them to the outside world and its diplomatic
norms, juxtaposing Burma’s backwardness against the modern world, which could cause greater realization among the 
generals about their country’s lack of development. Careful preparation could be made before such events to make sure
Burma’s neighbors send the same messages to the generals during their bilateral meetings. Such unity of message was 
extremely effective in persuading the regime to open up to international assistance after Cyclone Nargis.
--------------------------- 
Give a Little, Get a Little
--------------------------- 
17. (C) While our economic sanctions give us the moral high-ground, they are largely ineffective because they are not
comprehensive. Burma’s biggest client states refuse to participate in them. However, the generals despise the sanctions
and want them removed because they challenge the regime’s legitimacy. If we really want to see the generals make 
progress, we need to show them what they will get in return. This means being willing to gradually remove sanctions in 
exchange for true steps toward dialogue and political change.
18. (C) We should start small and hold them to real action (unlike the sham dialogue they purported to initiate with 
Aung San Suu Kyi last November). If they do make concrete progress, we should be ready to offer them something. 
For instance, removing them from Tier 3 on the Trafficking in Persons rankings, or taking them off the Narcotics Majors
list, areas where the regime has actually made some progress.  This should be a gradual process that would be based 
only on the condition of concrete results. Large rewards should come only with large compromises, such as lifting the 
visa ban if they release Aung San Suu Kyi. We may also want to consider putting security guarantees on the table for 
the most senior generals and their families if we are serious about removing them from the scene. As we move toward 
the 2010 parliamentary elections, it may be a strategic time to begin talks with them about such an agreement. Allowing
international election monitors, lifting laws that restrict free and fair debate, and freeing key political prisoners could be 
tied to lifting specific sanctions.
19. (C) While talking to the generals may be unpalatable, their firm control over Burma and the weakness of the 
pro-democracy opposition are a reality we must consider when working to promote change in Burma. The prospect 
for democratic change in the near future is low, but despite the setbacks after the September demonstrations, there is 
hope change may eventually come. After many years of waiting for the outside world to help free them from the 
generals’ despotic rule, many Burmese are finding creative ways to take control of their country through community-
based organizations and building the capacity of civil society. Through these organizations, leaders may emerge who 
will run in the 2010 elections and work for democratic change.
20. (C) We should seek every opportunity to support and increase the capacity of Burma’s nascent civil society by 
expanding humanitarian assistance inside the country that promotes self-reliance, conflict resolution, and respect for
human rights. Such a policy will have the added benefit of expanding our influence and increasing our access throughout
the country. Not only will this approach increase our knowledge of the subtle changes occurring inside Burma, but it will 
strengthen our position and influence inside when change does come, so we can assist the Burmese to reform their 
political and economic systems in a manner that best promotes U.S. economic and strategic interests. Above all, our
Burma policy should be focused on helping those Burmese who are working to bring about democratic change 
themselves, for that is the only way it can realistically come. VILLAROSA

Thursday, December 9, 2010

လက္နက္ကုိင္အတုိက္အခံအင္းအားစုမ်ား(သုိ.မဟုတ္)ျပည္ေထာင္စုတပ္မေတာ္ညီညြတ္ရင္(ရုပ္သံ)

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
လက္နက္ကုိင္အတုိက္အခံအင္းအားစုမ်ား(သုိ.မဟုတ္)ျပည္ေထာင္စုတပ္မေတာ္ညီညြတ္ရင္ (ရုပ္သံ)
စစ္အစုိးရတပ္နဲ.အင္းအားခ်င္းညီမွ်သျဖင့္အေရးေတာ္ပုံေအာင္ျမင္မွာေသခ်ာတယ္၊
တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားၾကာရွည္က်ယ္ျပန္.လာျပီးစစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ကုိပယ္ဖ်က္ႏုိင္မည္၊လူထုေတြအေနနဲ.လမ္းေပၚထြက္ဖုိ.အခ်ိန္ေကာင္းေရာက္ျပီျဖစ္သည္၊
၁။ျပည္တြင္းႏုိင္ငံေရးအင္းအားစုမ်ားစုေပါင္းလွဳပ္ရွားရန္၊
၂။လက္နက္ကုိင္အတုိက္အခံအင္းအားစုမ်ားစစ္ေရးအရအျမင့္ဆုံးတုိက္ပြဲဆင္ႏႊဲရန္၊
၃။ျပည္သူလူထုမ်ားစားဝတ္ေနေရးအတြက္လမ္းေပၚထြက္ၾကရန္၊
၄။ျပည္သူေတြကုိခ်စ္သည့္တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားအာဏာရွင္ကုိပုန္ကန္သည့္အင္းအားစုလွ်ိ.ဝွက္ေပၚေပါက္ရန္၊

Tuesday, December 7, 2010

ဒီေကဘီေအႏွင့္ေကအန္ယူတပ္ကုိေက်ာင္းသားတပ္မေတာ္ကကူညီတုိက္ေပးေနျပီ (အသံဖုိင္)

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ

ဒီေကဘီေအႏွင့္ေကအန္ယူတပ္ကုိေက်ာင္းသားတပ္မေတာ္ကကူညီတုိက္ေပးေနျပီ (အသံဖုိင္)

ပူးေပါင္းတုိက္ပြဲ၊ဒုိ.ဆင္ႏႊဲ၊ေအာင္ပြဲခံရမည္

ABSDF Fight along with DKBA KNU 120710 by Ethnic Voice of Burma

Monday, December 6, 2010

ဗမာျပည္ဆုိင္ရာကုလသမဂၢကုိယ္စားလွယ္(၉)ေယာက္အေၾကာင္းသိေကာင္းစရာ(အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္)

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ
ဗမာျပည္ဆုိင္ရာကုလသမဂၢကုိယ္စားလွယ္(၉)ေယာက္အေၾကာင္းသိေကာင္းစရာ(အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္)
တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံတင္ျပထားသည္၊

http://www.scribd.com/full/44814691?access_key=key-1e8am4jk0do31w6byt7x

Brief Story of UN Envoys Repourters to Burma

CHRONOLOGY OF VISITS AND REPORTS

http://www.scribd.com/full/44814871?access_key=key-2bgt0w2fts3rysisgdhi

Chronology of Visits and Reports

ဗမာျပည္အေရးကိစၥနဲ.ပတ္သက္၍ကုလသမဂၢကုိင္တြယ္ပုံကုိေလ့လာၾကည့္လွ်င္ရွက္စရာေကာင္းလွ၏

ဒီေကဘီေအႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတပ္ ဆက္လက္တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ေနဆဲ

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ

ဒီေကဘီေအႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတပ္ ဆက္လက္တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ေနဆဲ
ေနာ္အဲဏီ၊ ေကာင္း၀ါတန္ေဆာင္မုန္းလဆုတ္ ၁၅ရက္။ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၆၊၂၀၁၀။

ေနာအဲဏီ(ဒီဇင္ဘာ-၆)။    ။ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတပ္ ခမရ(၄၀၁)တပ္ရင္းအေျခခ်ေသာ ေ၀ၚေလစခန္းကို ဒီဇင္ဘာလ(၆)ရက္ေန႕လည္ (၂)နာရီအခ်ိန္တြင္ဒီေကဘီေအတပ္မွ ၀င္ေရာက္တိုက္ခိုက္ခဲ့ပါသည္။

၄င္းတိုက္ပြဲတြင္္ ေ၀ၚေလစခန္းတြင္ရွိေသာ နအဖ တပ္ကို ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ရင္း (၉၀၉) ဒုတပ္ရင္းမွဴး ဗိုလ္မွဴး ေစာခ်မုေစး ၊ တပ္ခြဲမွဴး ေစာသန္းထြန္း ဦးေဆာင္ေသာအဖြဲ႕က မိနစ္ (၂၀) ၀န္းက်င္၀င္ေရာက္ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ၄င္းတိုက္ပြဲကိုဦးေဆာင္ခဲ့ေသာ ဒုတပ္ရင္းမွဴး ဗိုလ္မွဴး ခ်မုေစးက ေျပာပါသည္။

“က်ေနာ္တို႕ဘက္က အက်အဆုံးမရွိဘူး၊ သူတို႕ဘက္ကေတာ့ မသိဘူး၊ ေအာ္ဆဲသံေတြပဲ ၾကားတယ္၊ တိုက္ပြဲကေတာ့ ဆက္ျဖစ္မယ့္အလားအလာေတာ့ ရွိေနတယ္”

ယေန႕မနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ ျမ၀တီျမိဳ႕ႏွင့္တစ္မိုင္ခန္႕အကြာမွာရွိေသာ ေမတၱာေလးျမိဳင္တြင္လည္း ဗ်ဴဟာမွဴး ေစာေက်ာ္သက္  ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ဒီေကဘီေအအဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္  ခမရ (၃၅၆)တို႕ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္ဟု ဗ်ဴဟာ (၁) မွဴး ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီး ေစာေက်ာ္သက္က ေျပာပါသည္။

ထို႕အျပင္ဒီဇင္ဘာ(၅) ရက္ေန႕ည(၈)နာရီခြဲအခ်ိန္တြင္လည္း ဘီဂ်ီအက္ဖ္(ေခၚ)အစိုးရ၏ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ တပ္အစီအစဥ္ကို လက္ခံသည့္ ဒီေကဘီေအအဖြဲ႕အေျခခ်ရာ ေကာ့ကရိတ္ျမိဳ႕အထြက္၌ရွိေသာ ေၾကာင္လွ်ာကုန္း စခန္းကို ဒီေကဘီေအဗ်ဴဟာ(၁) မွတပ္ဖြဲ႕တခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္  ေကအဲန္ယူတပ္ရင္း (၁၈)တို႕ပူးေပါင္းျပီး နာရီ၀က္ခန္႕ ၀င္ေရာက္ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ဗိုလ္မွဴးႀကီး ေစာေက်ာ္သက္ကဆိုပါသည္။

အလားတူ ဒီဇင္ဘာ (၅)ရက္ေန႕ညေန ၅ နာရီ မိနစ္ ၄၀ အခ်ိန္တြင္ ဒီေကဘီေအဗ်ဴဟာ (၁) စစ္ဆင္ ေရးမွဴး ဂ်ီတူး ဗိုလ္မွဴးဆန္းေအာင္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာအဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ နအဖ ခမရ (၂၃၀) ၊ ခမရ (၅၄၇) တို႕ ျမ၀တီခရိုင္ ၊ ဖလူးေလးေတာင္ဘက္ တပ္ေခၚက်ဳိးေတာင္တန္းမွာ ရင္ဆိုင္တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသးသည္ဟု ဗိုလ္မွဴး ဆန္းေအာင္က ေျပာပါသည္။

“တစ္ႀကိမ္ပဲေနာ္ ၊ သူတို႕ကက်ေနာ္တို႕ကို ပစ္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႕က သူတို႕ကို ျပန္ပစ္တယ္။ သူပစ္ငါပစ္နဲ႕ေပါ့။ အဲဒီေနရာ ေခါင္းပါးတယ္ အိမ္လည္းမရွိ ၊ရြာလည္းမရွိဘူးေနာ္။ ေတာင္ေက်ာထဲမွာ ပစ္ၾကတယ္။ ဒီေနရာေတြက ဟိုးအရင္က စစ္ပြဲေနရာေတြပဲ။ သူတို႕က အဲဒီေတာင္ေက်ာအတိုင္းသူ တို႕လာတယ္။ သူတို႕မထင္မွတ္ဘူး သူတို႕လာတဲ့ေနရာ ေရမရွိဘာမရွိ မလာႏိုင္ဘူးထင္ျပီး သူတို႕အဲဒီ ေတာင္ေၾကာကေန က်ေနာ္တို႕ကို ကပ္တယ္။ ဒါက်ေနာ္တို႕ဟာ ျပန္ျပီးေတာ့ အေရွ႕က ျဖတ္ေစာင့္ဖို႕ဟာ မမွီလိုက္ဘူးေနာ္။ ရင္ဆိုင္လို႕ေျပာလို႕ရတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တိုက္ပြဲႀကီးလို႕ ေျပာလို႕မရဘူး။ ပစ္ခတ္ဖို႕ ေနရာလည္းမေကာင္းဘူးဆိုေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႕ ျပန္ဆုတ္ေပးလိုက္တယ္”

စစ္အစိုးရတပ္ႏွင့္ ဒီေကဘီေအတပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားသည္ ျပီးခဲ့သည့္ ႏို၀င္ဘာ(၇)ရက္ေန႕ ျမ၀တီျမိဳ႕တြင္း တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ရာကေန ယေန႕အထိ ႀကိဳၾကား ပစ္ခတ္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ပါသည္။ သို႕ေသာ္ ယခုမူ ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားသည္ ေကအဲန္ယူတပ္ ဖြဲ႕မ်ားႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းစစ္ဆင္မွဳေတြ ရွိလာေနပါသည္။ နအဖတပ္မ်ားသည္ ေ၀ၚေလစခန္းေရာက္ တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားအတြက္ ေဆး၀ါးရိကၡာပို႕မည့္ အစီအစဥ္အခုထိ မေအာင္ျမင္ေသးသလို ဆက္လက္ျပီးလည္း တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ေနအုံးမည့္အေနအထားတြင္ရွိေနသည္ဟု နယ္စပ္စစ္ေရးအကဲခတ္သူမ်ားမွ သုံးသပ္ထားပါသည္။
 

Saturday, December 4, 2010

တုိက္မလား? ေသမလား? “Do or Die,” Daw Aung San Suu Kyi - Policy paper on Burmese Ethnic Perspective

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ

တုိက္မလား? ေသမလား?

“Do or Die,” Daw Aung San Suu Kyi - Policy paper on Burmese Ethnic Perspective


Myanmar

By Kanbawza Win

Most Burmese nationalists would recollect the famous Bogyoke Aung San speech during his visit to London, in Jan27th 1947 for the inking of the historic Aung San-Attlee Agreement (Aung San as Deputy chairman of the post war British Burma and Clement Attlee the Prime Minister of Britain) when he said, “I hope for the best but prepared for the worst.” that paves the way for Burma’s independence.

So also his loving daughter Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be in the same position of hoping for the best but preparing for the worst as her choice will be “either do or die” vis a vis with the Tatmadaw thugs.

Her courage and sincerity, inherited from her father can be vividly seen when she tackle the most crucial and sensitive question of the Union of the country, which the Burmese Tatmadaw since under Ne Win has try to wreck it by imposing the Mahar Bama/Myanmar spirit on the ethnic nationalities and endeavour to treat the ethnic nationalities as a conquered race rather than an equal partner.

One could recollect that it was Aung San’s vision of a federal union, shared by the ethnic leaders of that time, which gives birth to the modern Union of Burma, to be exact on Feb.12th 1947, better known as the Panglong Conference. But with the early death of Aung San, this Concordat was never realised and instead was followed by more than half a century of civil war that still goes on to this day. Furthermore, successive military regimes have identified the federal movement as a threat to their hold on power. This was also a major pretext for the military coup in 1962 by late dictator Ne Win, who claimed that he supposedly saved the country from disintegration. Many interpreted as the by product of conflict of interests over constitutional principles between Myanmar and non Myanmar nationals.

Now, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's efforts to organize “an ethnic conference in conformity with the 21st Century.” which is label as “second Panglong”—a meeting of ethnic leaders and other relevant stakeholders will not only solve the problem of Burma of laying down the basic democratic principles but will also guaranteed the rights of the ethnic nationalities, somewhat like killing two birds with a stone. It is on this bold and correct platform she has place herself. However, many of the Myanmar/Burman, even among the pro democratic groups, still harbours the Mahar Myanmar spirit and are trying to prevent it by giving a lame excuse that it was too delicate and touchy. Hence she will have to take on, the evil Tatmadaw, the Mahar Burman/Myanmar spirit and of course some of the racist ethnic leaders at the same time.

Many, including the self style Burmese experts (Burmese and foreigners alike) failed to understand that this conflict of interest over the constitutional principles between the Myanmar ethnic and non-Myanmar ethnic nationals is the root of the political crisis. This has paved way for armed conflict, hatred, disunity that finally leads to gross human rights violations. Now she is taking all this by the horns and she like her dad that there is but one solution to solve the conflicts and crisis in Burma and that is to have a constitutional dialogue among pro democratic groups led by NLD, the Junta and the non-Myanmar ethnic nationals and to allocate the problems within federal constitutional principle, which will not only full fill the ethnic nationals’ interests but also safeguard the Myanmar interests, leading to democracy.

She also realise that the Panglong Agreement is equally important for the people in modern Burma as the way in which the “Declaration of Independence 1776” is important to the Americans in fundamental nature. She foresee that not only the majority of the people but national, state, and local institutions desire to live together with the ethnic nationalities within the framework of federal constitution, which can safeguard, promote, and protect everybody’s interests and identities.

But with this historic move Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the country's reclusive generals are heading on an indispensible collision course firstly because the Generals did not want to share power with anybody else. The sad reality is that the vehemently hated Tatmadaw did not want to share power with anyone either a Myanmar or a non Myanmar and since the apex of Federalism is to share power with the ethnic nationalities, every Myanmar general will be opposed to this, for once Federalism comes into being then there is no raison d’ etre to keep on a large army something like pulling the rug under their feet. The Tatmadaw philosophy of “I am the monarch of all I survey” will be destroyed once and for all. It will also pave the way to democracy for the simple reason there must be dialogue between stake holders. Being power maniacs they loath to share it with anyone.

Ethnic issues and the prevalence of democracy are but two sides of a coin and one cannot be separated from the other. However the Generals are bereft of the Dialogue Culture and still cling on to the theory of shoot first. So somehow or other they will have to get rid of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as she threatens the whole institution which they have set up all these years.

She has done her home work and knew very well that the signatories of 1947 had agree to the Union because they all guaranteed to treat each other with equalities in all aspects including rights and privileges in politic, economic, cultural, and self-determination right of each people within their own territories. The sincerity and trust of signatories of Panglong Agreement was revealed in Article 210 of the Constitution of Union of Burma (1948) by guaranteeing secession right of signatories state from the Union of Burma after ten years of independence, something like the sword of Damocles hanging on the Mahar Myanmar leaders. Therefore, the Panglong Agreement is the only contractual legal document of founding the Modern Burma so that the essence of the Panglong Agreement needs to be respect and perverse not only by the people of Burma but also international governments, organizations, and associations who want to see continuation of the existence of the Union of Burma. However, 57 days after the draft Constitution of Burma Union was approved, General Aung San and his interim leaders were assassinated by their political rivals. U Nu, the new leader of transitory period has not participated in Panglong Conference so that did not understand the essence of Panglong Agreement and that granting equal rights to ethnic nationals was an integral part of the Aung San and Attlee Agreement that led to Burma’s independence.

(a) The 1948 Constitution

Gradually, the non-Myanmar ethnic national leaders, politicians, and scholars realized that the Constitution of the Union of Burma (1948) had disregard the essence of Panglong Agreement .Therefore, the non-Myanmar ethnic national leaders gathered in Taunggyi, the capital city of Shan State in 1961 to discuss the defects of the Constitution of Union of Burma. The Prime Minister and all Myanmar ethnic national leaders understood that Federal Bill was ready to table in the Union Parliament for amending the Constitution of the Union of Burma, when there was a coup d’é tat March 2, 1962.. The Tatmadaw has to use its triumph card realizing that this is the only way to safeguard the domination of the Tatmadaw with the Mahar Myanmar policy.

(b) The 1974 Socialist Constitution

After the coup, the Revolutionary Council drafted a new Constitution which that came to force in 1974. The new Constitution not only disregarded the essence of Panglong Agreement, but also constitutionally expanded Myanmar/ Burman ethnic national domination toward non-Myanmar ethnic nationals by creating Seven Divisions out of Myanmar inhabitant area. Therefore, under the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma (1974), the Myanmar had monopolized all legislative, executive, and judicial power.

(c) NLD’s Interim Constitution

Although the Socialist military regime collapsed in 1988 and the NLD was voted for to restore democracy it has miserably failed to carry out the peoples’ mandate due to two significantly important factors. First, NLD failed to draft the Interim Constitution of Burma based on the essence of Panglong Agreement. Instead of drafting a new Interim Constitution to retain the trust of the ethnic nationalities, the NLD revised the constitution as an interim constitution. Secondly, majority of NLD’s top leaders are former military officers who were ousted by General Ne Win so that restoration of democracy in Burma is not priority for them but toppling the present military regime is always their first priority.

(d) The Nargis Constitution

Since the people of Burma and the international community already know the Junta’s clear intention is to legalize the military rule in Burma within constitutional framework and its dubious elections results are well known I won`t be emphasising much on it..

(e) NCUB’s Draft Constitution

The exiled group of, the National Council of Union of Burma (NCUB), composed both of ethnic nationals and pro democratic Myanmar tried to draft the constitution but it was soon discovered that the pro democratic Myanmar shown no interest the Genuine (Federal) Union of Burma. This finally led the ethnic national leaders to conclude that that either the “Myanmar military leaders in SPDC” or “Pro-democratic Myanmar nationals” in and outside the Burma are sharing the same sentiment in connection with disregarding the essence of Panglong Agreement. This drives home the fact that most Myanmar either the democrats inside or outside Burma does not want a genuine Pyidaungsu but rather a Myanmar domination over the non Myanmar nationalities. If this mentality continues that Balkanization may seems to be the best solution.

Now that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is on the right track on solving the country’s problem once and for all we believe that she is aware of the challenges that lies ahead and would act cautiously and conscientiously. She would try to solve the historical debt of her father towards the ethnic nationality and will really step into her father`s shoe as the one and only Burmese statesman with a far vision. Like father like daughter she will be a rare specimen among the Myanmar worthy of inspiration and imitation in terms of sincerity, righteousness, far sighted without a tint of Mahar Myanmar spirit whom all the ethnic nationalities including the genuine pro-democratic groups trust.

Foreign Powers

The West that has given lip service to the Burmese democratic movement did not expect any major changes in Burma even though they want access to its vast natural resources. It remains distrustful of recent moves, while Asian countries will increase their dealings and investments with the Junta. Hence, there will a considerable gap between the approach of West and the East. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi after her release had thanks the West especially the US for their moral support but said it should be more practical. The Obama administration priorities in Asia lie elsewhere, will not expend much political capital on the country is a foregone conclusion. The EU even though betrayed by Germany and Denmark (because of their authoritarian traditions) via their NGOs, hopes to still cling on to their ideals. Meanwhile, many countries in Asia will continue to pursue policies towards Burma based on their vested economic interests and a sense that the country is an arena for strategic competition with rivals. Here Aung San’s speech can be neatly apply that the West will fuck you after putting some oil while the Asian will do it raw.

China is already Burma's de-facto regional patron, as of yesterday China pulled the agenda off the UN Security Council topic. Other countries are now pursuing postures more similar to Beijing's than to Washington's, which, in turn, eases the environment in Asia for further Chinese pursuit of Burmese resources. For ASEAN especially for Thailand Burma offers more than just an untapped market but a respite from the environmental and other corporate standards that exists in their own countries. They can exploit the country’s human and natural resources at will, under the Generals even though they will be wearing longyi (Burmese Sarong) soon.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi realise her marginalized position this but hopefully with the help of China, and probably India, she intend to work towards renewed ceasefire agreements especially to that of the Northern Alliance of Kachin and Wa (Southern Alliance of Karen, Mon and Karenni are already fighting) and enlist the support in preventing a possible crackdown on her and for the Second PanglongConference.

However, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is the only person in Burma with moral authority and could enlist the people en masse. Her call for national reconciliation appeal to every Burmese even among the young Turks and that her offer of rethinking the Western punitive actions including sanctions have a great appeal to the Generals craving for international legitimacy.

2011 will be crucial and critical for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's political and economic trajectory as she will have to test the limits of the Than Shwe’s tolerance and willingness to pursue political reform. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, dubbed as one of the 100 top thinkers of the 21st century, will have to make a well calculate risks for the Junta will probably be assessing whether their experiment of releasing the lady succeeds or and they'll recalibrate as necessary. If they sense that increased instability is the likely outcome of her freedom, the leadership will likely revert to old practices, including increasing the military's role in maintaining order and possibly finding an excuse to again arrest her.

On the other hand, if the Junta believes their gamble has paid off -- and that the economic and diplomatic gains from her release outweigh the risks to their control over the country – then there is hope for the Second Panglong Conference The Than Shwe clique has just eaten a bitter humble pie by calling back its arch rival Khin Nyunt when the Junta realized that they could not handle the ethnic problem. Will they do the same with the Lady (which they often refer as Kaung Ma Lay little girl) is still to be seen.

Prepared for the Worst

The people of Burma in their entire history of 2,000 years have never met egregious government that subject its own people to such a barbarous regime of fear, repression and hunger, of shooting into the crowds of people, using rape as weapon, killing Buddhist monks and other religious leaders, preventing aids reaching to the cyclone victims and even went as far as persecuting the HIV patients on World AIDS Day,. It’s complicit in international outrage, ranging from murderous government (Depayin butchers now becomes government), and nuclear weapons to drug smuggling are a headache to the world at large.

They could easily mechanize the death of the Lady at any moment under the pretext of an accident and is not ashamed of going down into history books that the Tatmadaw founded by her father kills the daughter. Hence the people of Burma must be prepared for the worst for the killing fields and civil war as even now the Junta has send its marauding army to every front, to the four corners (North to fight the Kachin and Wa, West to fight the Chin and Arakanese, East to fight the Shan, Karen, Karenni and Mon) of the country to crush the ethno democratic forces still holding out.

Bogyoke Aung San has to face the British first, even though colonialist are a well cultured and civilized people prone to reason, then later he had to face the Imperial Japanese army notorious for its cruelty. But what the daughter, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi facing is the combination of these two which is far worst in ruthlessness, craftiness, cunning and liar that tries to lie the very concept of Truth itself. However the daughter has a genuine spirit which is a glowing light in pitch darkness that can be instil in every patriotic people of Burma. Even though the people of Burma are hard pressed on every side yet they are not crushed; perplexed but not despair; persecuted but not abandoned; struck down but not destroyed. The Pyidoungsu (Union) spirit still lives in weal and woe and the love of democracy and the prevalence of human rights instil by the daughter will carry on. Let us hope for the best but prepared for the worst.

References:

A majority ethnic group also known as “Bamar” or “Myanmar” by non-Burman ethnic nationals in the Union of Burma. The non-Burman ethnic nationals include Arakan, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Shan, Naga, Mon, Lahu, Pa-O and so on.

A paper written by Salai Ngun Cung Lian a candidate for Doctor of Juridical Science degree at Indiana University School of Law. He is a co-convener of the Chinland Constitution Drafting Committee; Consultant for Transitional Justice in Burma.

The first Draft Constitution for Burma Union and Its Territories was initiated by the Anti Fascist Peoples Freedom League (AFPFL), under the leadership of General Aung San, U Ba Win (the elder brother of General Aung San), and 110 Constitution Drafting Committee members. The Draft Constitution for Burma Union and Its Territories was brought to the AFPFL National Convention for approval and subsequently approved without dissented vote on May 27, 1947.

The Myanmar Diaspora led by Bo Bo Kyaw Nyein (son of U Kyaw Nyein the one time national leader) even ridicule the NCUB Constitution

Kaung,Ba; Irrawaddy 30-11-2010'Second Panglong' Proposal Could Mean Trouble for Suu Kyi

Allchin, Joseph; Burma off Security Council Agenda 3-12-2010 DVB News
Herrera-Lim, Roberto; Foreign Policy and the Burmese balancing Act in Foreign Policy Magazine 2-12-2-10

Roughneen; Simon “Why Thailand Invest in Burma” Financial Times 2-1-2-2010

Roberto Herrera-Lim;Roberto,”Foreign Policy and the Burmese Balancing Act” Foreign Policy Magazine 2-12-2-10

http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2010/12/05/%E2%80%9Cdo-or-die%E2%80%9D-daw-aung-san-suu-kyi-policy-paper-burmese-ethnic-perspective
တုိင္းရင္းသားစည္းလုံးညီညြတ္ေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရး၊ျပည္ေထာင္စုမျပဳိကြဲေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရး၊ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရ ျဖဳတ္ခ်ေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရးေဆာင္ပါးဖတ္ရွဴရန္၊ ရခုိင္မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ပညာရွင္ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ကြယ္လြန္သြားေၾကာင္းသတင္းကုိရခုိင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသာမကက်န္ရွိသည့္တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအတြက္လည္အမ်ားၾကီးဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္သည္၊ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ဟာရဲရင့္ျပီးသတိၱျပည့္ဝသည့္ပညာရွင္တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္သည္၊ထုိ.ေၾကာင့္၊သူ.ဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳဟာအမ်ားဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳပါ၊က်န္းရစ္သူမိသားစုဝင္မ်ားနဲ.ရခုိင္ျပည္သူမ်ားနည္းတူထပ္တူထပ္မွ်ေၾကးကြဲဝမ္းနည္းပါေၾကာင္းတုိင္းရင္းသားသံမွတင္ျပလုိက္ပါသည္၊

Min Ko Naing Birth Day

Min Ko Naing Birth Day
မင္းကုိႏုိင္ေမြးေန.