ဗမာျပည္အေပၚကုလသမဂၢအေရးယူမွဳကုိဘာေၾကာင့္ အဆုံးအျဖတ္ေပးသည့္ေျခလွမ္းလုိ.ေျပာႏုိင္သလဲ?
The Washington Post အယ္ဒီတာ့အာေဘာ္
"When there is genocide in Darfur; systematic rape in Congo; or repression in Burma -- there must be consequences. . . . And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.
`ဒါဖုိမွာလူမ်ဳိးတုံးသတ္ျဖတ္မွဳ၊ကြန္ဂုိမွာစနစ္တက်မုဒိန္းက်င့္မွဳ၊ဗမာျပည္မွာ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဳပ္ျခယ္မွဳေတြဟာ အက်ဳိးဆက္ေတြလုိက္လာမွာပါ၊က်ေနာ္တုိ.အ တူတကြနီးနီကပ္ကပ္ရပ္တည္လာေလ စစ္ေရးအရဝင္စြတ္ဖက္ျခင္းႏွင့္ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳတြင္ပါဝင္ျခင္းအၾကားေရြးခ်ယ္ရမည့္အေျခအေနနဲလာေလျဖစ္သည္”
(က်ေနာ္တုိ.အတူတူရပ္တည္ၾကမယ္ဆုိရင္ စစ္ေရးအရဝင္စြတ္ဖက္မွဳႏွင့္၊ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳတြင္ကုိယ္တုိင္ကုိယ္က်ပါဝင္ပတ္သက္မွဳအၾကားေရြးစရာမလုိဘဲပြဲက ျပီး သြားႏုိင္တယ္လုိ. အဓိပၸါယ္ရသည္။)
တုိင္းရင္းသူအမ်ုိးသမီးအားမုဒိန္းက်င့္မွဳ၊ကေလးေတြကုိေပၚတာေစခုိင္းမွဳ၊ရြားေပါင္း ၃၅၀၀ ကုိမီရွဳိ.ပစ္ျခင္းလူ၊သန္းႏွင့္ခ်ီေနအိမ္ကေနထြက္ခြာရျခင္းေတြ ဟာဗမာစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား စပြန္ဆာ=တာဝန္ယူထားသည့္ ဗမာစစ္တပ္၏စစ္ေရးဗ်ဴဟာအျဖစ္အသုံးျပဳေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္၊ယင္ကဲ့သုိ.လုပ္ရပ္သ ည္ လူသားေတြအေပၚရာဇဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္သည့္လုပ္ရပ္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
အုိဘာမားအစုိးရသည္ အေထာက္အထားခုိင္လုံေၾကာင္းကုိသိထားသည့္အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ဗမာစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏အမွဳကုိအျမန္ဆုံးတရားစြဲဆုိႏုိင္မွာျဖ စ္သည္၊
စုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးေကာ္မရွင္ကဘာလုပ္ေပးႏုိင္မလဲလုိ.ေမးသည့္အခါ ယင္ေကာ္မရွင္သည္သန္းေရႊစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားခ်ၽမွတ္ထားသည့္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားအားမုဒိန္းက်င့္မွဳ၊တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားမ်ဳိးတုံးသတ္ျဖတ္မွဳေပၚလစီကုိေအာက္စစ္ဗုိလ္အရာရွိငယ္မ်ားအေနနဲ.ဆက္လက္မက်င့္သုံးဘဲသူတုိ. အနာဂတ္အတြက္လည္းေတာက္ပလာမယ္၊အတုိက္အခံအင္းအားစုမ်ားအတြက္လည္းအားတက္ေစႏုိင္မည္ကုိမီးေမာင္ထုိးျပလုိက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ.အျပင္၊အာဏာရွင္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားအေနနဲ.သစ္ေတြ၊သဘာဝဓါတ္ေငြ.ေတြကုိေရာင္းခ်ျပီးေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတုမ်ားက်င္းပေပးျပီးအရပ္သား အစုိးရအျဖစ္သုိ.အသြင္ေျပာင္းျခင္းရန္လုပ္ရပ္သည္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ဘဲၾကဳိးစားပါေစ ရာဇဝတ္ေဘးေျပးမလြတ္ႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိတာကုိ အျခားေသာအာ ဏာရွင္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားအားလည္းသတိေပးေၾကညာလုိက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
`ဒါဖုိမွာလူမ်ဳိးတုံးသတ္ျဖတ္မွဳ၊ကြန္ဂုိမွာစနစ္တက်မုဒိန္းက်င့္မွဳ၊ဗမာျပည္မွာ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဳပ္ျခယ္မွဳေတြဟာ အက်ဳိးဆက္ေတြလုိက္လာမွာပါ၊က်ေနာ္တုိ.အ တူတကြနီးနီကပ္ကပ္ရပ္တည္လာေလ စစ္ေရးအရဝင္စြတ္ဖက္ျခင္းႏွင့္ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳတြင္ပါဝင္ျခင္းအၾကားေရြးခ်ယ္ရမည့္အေျခအေနနဲလာေလျဖစ္သည္”
(က်ေနာ္တုိ.အတူတူရပ္တည္ၾကမယ္ဆုိရင္ စစ္ေရးအရဝင္စြတ္ဖက္မွဳႏွင့္၊ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳတြင္ကုိယ္တုိင္ကုိယ္က်ပါဝင္ပတ္သက္မွဳအၾကားေရြးစရာမလုိဘဲပြဲက ျပီး သြားႏုိင္တယ္လုိ. အဓိပၸါယ္ရသည္။)
တုိင္းရင္းသူအမ်ုိးသမီးအားမုဒိန္းက်င့္မွဳ၊ကေလးေတြကုိေပၚတာေစခုိင္းမွဳ၊ရြားေပါင္း ၃၅၀၀ ကုိမီရွဳိ.ပစ္ျခင္းလူ၊သန္းႏွင့္ခ်ီေနအိမ္ကေနထြက္ခြာရျခင္းေတြ ဟာဗမာစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား စပြန္ဆာ=တာဝန္ယူထားသည့္ ဗမာစစ္တပ္၏စစ္ေရးဗ်ဴဟာအျဖစ္အသုံးျပဳေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္၊ယင္ကဲ့သုိ.လုပ္ရပ္သ ည္ လူသားေတြအေပၚရာဇဝတ္မွဳက်ဴးလြန္သည့္လုပ္ရပ္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
အုိဘာမားအစုိးရသည္ အေထာက္အထားခုိင္လုံေၾကာင္းကုိသိထားသည့္အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ဗမာစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏အမွဳကုိအျမန္ဆုံးတရားစြဲဆုိႏုိင္မွာျဖ စ္သည္၊
စုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးေကာ္မရွင္ကဘာလုပ္ေပးႏုိင္မလဲလုိ.ေမးသည့္အခါ ယင္ေကာ္မရွင္သည္သန္းေရႊစစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားခ်ၽမွတ္ထားသည့္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားအားမုဒိန္းက်င့္မွဳ၊တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားမ်ဳိးတုံးသတ္ျဖတ္မွဳေပၚလစီကုိေအာက္စစ္ဗုိလ္အရာရွိငယ္မ်ားအေနနဲ.ဆက္လက္မက်င့္သုံးဘဲသူတုိ. အနာဂတ္အတြက္လည္းေတာက္ပလာမယ္၊အတုိက္အခံအင္းအားစုမ်ားအတြက္လည္းအားတက္ေစႏုိင္မည္ကုိမီးေမာင္ထုိးျပလုိက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ.အျပင္၊အာဏာရွင္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားအေနနဲ.သစ္ေတြ၊သဘာဝဓါတ္ေငြ.ေတြကုိေရာင္းခ်ျပီးေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအတုမ်ားက်င္းပေပးျပီးအရပ္သား အစုိးရအျဖစ္သုိ.အသြင္ေျပာင္းျခင္းရန္လုပ္ရပ္သည္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ဘဲၾကဳိးစားပါေစ ရာဇဝတ္ေဘးေျပးမလြတ္ႏုိင္ဘူးဆုိတာကုိ အျခားေသာအာ ဏာရွင္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားအားလည္းသတိေပးေၾကညာလုိက္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/08/19/AR2010081905723.html
Why a U.N. probe of Burma is a crucial step
Friday, August 20, 2010
THE EVIDENCE against Burma's junta has been piling up for many years. Thousands upon thousands of girls and women raped as a tactic of war by the Burmese army; children press-ganged to serve as porters; 3,500 villages burned to the ground in recent years; millions of people forced from their homes -- these are some of the crimes against humanity sponsored by the generals who rule their Southeast Asian nation of 50 million people.
Now, by deciding to support a United Nations commission of inquiry into these misdeeds, the Obama administration has acknowledged the weight of the evidence and has testified to the urgency of holding criminals accountable for their crimes. It is a major step forward. The U.N. special envoy for Burma (also known as Myanmar), Tom?s Ojea Quintana, has called for such an inquiry, citing the "the gross and systematic nature of human rights violations in Myanmar over a period of many years." In Congress there is strong bipartisan backing for such an inquiry. Most important, Burmese human rights activists and dissidents both inside and outside the country have supported such an inquiry, sometimes at great personal risk.
Backing a U.N. commission does not supplant previous U.S. policy. It's not a substitute for economic sanctions, which should be extended and targeted more precisely at the nation's leaders. Nor does it replace the administration's policy of engagement, which has yet to bear fruit but need not be discarded. Had Burmese leader Than Shwe responded more positively to administration outreach, investigation into his crimes would nonetheless have been appropriate. Conversely, an inquiry need not discourage the administration from reaching out in a pragmatic way.
What an inquiry can do, however, is signal to the younger officers around Than Shwe, 77, that their futures may be brighter if they do not hitch themselves to his policies of mass rape and ethnic cleansing (not to mention his deepening ties with North Korea). It can provide a ray of hope and moral support to the unimaginably brave fighters for democracy inside Burma, who will carry on their struggle with or without such encouragement. And it can signal to the most offensive dictators around the world that they cannot escape justice by selling off their nations' timber and natural gas, or by scheduling (as has Than Shwe) fraudulent elections aimed at civilianizing their authoritarian regimes.
If its support of a commission of inquiry is to be more than a gesture, the Obama administration now must engage in hard-headed diplomacy. That means making clear to China, the European Union, Canada, India, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and others that justice for Burma is a priority and not an afterthought. It will take work. But, as President Obama said when he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize, "When there is genocide in Darfur; systematic rape in Congo; or repression in Burma -- there must be consequences. . . . And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression."
Now, by deciding to support a United Nations commission of inquiry into these misdeeds, the Obama administration has acknowledged the weight of the evidence and has testified to the urgency of holding criminals accountable for their crimes. It is a major step forward. The U.N. special envoy for Burma (also known as Myanmar), Tom?s Ojea Quintana, has called for such an inquiry, citing the "the gross and systematic nature of human rights violations in Myanmar over a period of many years." In Congress there is strong bipartisan backing for such an inquiry. Most important, Burmese human rights activists and dissidents both inside and outside the country have supported such an inquiry, sometimes at great personal risk.
Backing a U.N. commission does not supplant previous U.S. policy. It's not a substitute for economic sanctions, which should be extended and targeted more precisely at the nation's leaders. Nor does it replace the administration's policy of engagement, which has yet to bear fruit but need not be discarded. Had Burmese leader Than Shwe responded more positively to administration outreach, investigation into his crimes would nonetheless have been appropriate. Conversely, an inquiry need not discourage the administration from reaching out in a pragmatic way.
What an inquiry can do, however, is signal to the younger officers around Than Shwe, 77, that their futures may be brighter if they do not hitch themselves to his policies of mass rape and ethnic cleansing (not to mention his deepening ties with North Korea). It can provide a ray of hope and moral support to the unimaginably brave fighters for democracy inside Burma, who will carry on their struggle with or without such encouragement. And it can signal to the most offensive dictators around the world that they cannot escape justice by selling off their nations' timber and natural gas, or by scheduling (as has Than Shwe) fraudulent elections aimed at civilianizing their authoritarian regimes.
If its support of a commission of inquiry is to be more than a gesture, the Obama administration now must engage in hard-headed diplomacy. That means making clear to China, the European Union, Canada, India, U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and others that justice for Burma is a priority and not an afterthought. It will take work. But, as President Obama said when he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize, "When there is genocide in Darfur; systematic rape in Congo; or repression in Burma -- there must be consequences. . . . And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression."
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