တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာ တရားမွ်တမွဳ၊တန္တူအခြင္႔အေရး၊လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊စစ္မွန္ေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု။ဒီမုိကေရစီ၊ ႏွင္႔ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပဌာန္ခြင္႔အသံမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္၊ "တရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲဟာ မတရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲကုိ အျမဲေအာင္ရမည္"
Tuesday, October 30, 2007
Monday, October 29, 2007
United We Stand, say Ethnic Leaders
By Shah Paung
October 29, 2007
The leaders confirmed that they did not view the uprising as a conflict between Burman and Burman, but a fight between the military government and the people of Burma.
A substantial percentage of Burma’s population is made up of ethnic peoples, including the Kachin, Karen, Shan, Mon and Arakan (Rakhine). The regime often claims in its propaganda-prone media that Burma has more than 130 national races, but does not clarify the subgroups of the minorities. The multicultural claim has raised fears among several governments in the region that Burma could disintegrate into another Yugoslavia or Iraq once the regime is overthrown.
Ethnic minorities joined in the nationwide demonstrations, side by side with Burmans. Although the monk-led demonstrations mainly took place in Rangoon, there were also protests in ethnic areas, particularly Arakan and Kachin states.
Aye Tha Aung, chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy and the secretary of the Committee Representing People’s Parliament, said that since the junta took power in 1962 the country’s political and economic situation has deteriorated. “The fight for democracy is also a fight for the rights of ethnic people,” the leading Arakanese politician told The Irrawaddy by phone.
Khin Htwe Myint, an elected member of parliament from the Karen State National League for Democracy told The Irrawaddy that the majority of people living inside Burma faced great difficulties as a result of military rule.
“Those who think the recent demonstrations were just for the benefit of one political party or one individual are very narrow-minded people,” she said.
During the peaceful protests, the security forces arrested more than 3,000 demonstrators, including Buddhist monks and well-known ethnic leaders who were outspoken, such as Cin Sian Thang, a member of the CRPP and chairman of the Zomi National Congress; and Thawng Kho Thang, also a member of the CRPP and the United Nationalities League for Democracy.
Burma’s ethnic leaders live in danger. Aye Tha Aung, and Shwe Ohn, aged 84, the senior leader of the Democratic League for the National Races of the Shan, claim that they are closely monitored by the Burmese authorities and can be arrested at any time. In February, 2005, Hkun Htun Oo, chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Sai Nyut Lwin, secretary of SNLD, Maj-Gen Sao Hso Ten, president of the Shan State Peace Council and Sai Hla Aung of SSPC were all arrested and given life sentences.
Several ethnic leaders are reputed to be narrow-minded; however, not only are they moderate and broad-minded, but they have been active in the democracy movement and take great risks in continuing the fight, not only for the rights of ethnic minorities but for all the people of Burma.
Aye Tha Aung and Khin Htwe Myint are cautious and emphasize that there are many opposition groups and armed groups living in Burma. Although their goal is the same they still cannot overthrow the regime.
“In this situation we have to think about unity,” Khin Htwe Myint said. “If we work together as one united front and are of the same conviction, we will achieve our aim.”
Aye Tha Aung questioned why so many dedicated groups have taken so long to topple the military regime. “Is this because of the military government is too strong?” he asked.
“If we want to build a federal democracy in our country we have to work together believing in this mission,” Aye Tha Aung added.
“We can never achieve it if we are not united—especially when we are fighting against the military rulers.”
Sunday, October 28, 2007
တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြလုံး၀လက္မခံႏွူိင္ဘူး၊ကြ်မ္းက်င္းသူမ်ားအမည္ခံျပီးဗမာေခြးဘီလူးအစုိးရရဲ့လာဘ္ ထုိးမွဳကုိခုိးစားေနသူမ်ားသည္တုိင္းျပည္အတြက္အႏၱရာယ္ၾကီးမာလြန္သျဖင့္ေတြ.သည့္ေနရာမွာ၀ုိင္းရွင္း ရမည္။
Ethnic Leaders Dismiss Talk of Burma's Collapse Should Junta Fall
By Saw Yan Naing
October 26, 2007
Some Western experts and one Burmese historian suggested the fall of the military junta could bring about ethnic insurgencies, gutted institutions, clashes among leaders with no experience in democracy and continuing aftershocks from the junta’s ruinous economic policies in one of the world’s poorest nations, The Associated Press reported this week.
All of the ethnic leaders, veteran politicians and scholars contacted by The Irrawaddy disagreed.
“The perspective of those experts is groundless and their viewpoints are totally in line with what the junta says,” Mahn Sha, the general-secretary of the Karen National Union, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday. “The conflict in Burma is not a fight among ethnicities. We are only fighting against the military rulers, not against the army.” The KNU is among the oldest rebel groups in Southeast Asia, and one of the few remaining groups which have yet to sign a ceasefire agreement with the regime.
Professor David Steinberg of Georgetown University said in the AP report that given the deep-seated hatreds and continued warfare between the government and some ethnic insurgents like the Karen, Karenni and Shan, a fragmentation is possible should the Burmese military abruptly disintegrate.
Mahn Sha disagreed, saying all people in Burma have a common ground.
“Everyone—even children— knows that a country needs a military,” Mahn Sha said.
The secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy, Aye Thar Aung, who lives in Rangoon, discounted the likelihood of ethnic insurgent groups breaking away to form independent states, saying, “None of ethnic groups will restart the insurgencies and rebellions, if they gain the rights they fight for.”
All opposition and ethnic groups, including the main opposition National League for Democracy, have consistently called for dialogue between the military regime and opposition and ethnic leaders to solve the country’s decades-old political deadlock.
A spokesman for the main ceasefire group, the Kachin Independence Organization, said talk of the country's fragmentation is farfetched.
Tu Ja, a vice-secretary of the KIO, said, “I don’t know what they [experts] are talking about. We all want peace, autonomy and equal rights. If we get those, I don’t see any problem among us.”
The KIO, founded in 1961, was one among 17 ethnic armed groups which signed a ceasefire agreement with the ruling junta in 1990s.
“Political reform and democratization is now needed in the country,” Tu Ja told The Irrawaddy by telephone. “If democratization and a genuine federal union prevail in the country, we will be very happy. We don’t need to fight against a government such as that.”
A veteran politician, Thakin Chan Htun, a former ambassador to China, said from his home in Rangoon that only the top leaders of the military need to be removed if there is a change to a more democratic system.
Author Bertil Lintner, one of several foreign experts quoted in the AP report, said, "Look at Indonesia. Many feared a Balkanization after the fall of Suharto but, in the end, the transition went much more smoothly than expected. In Indonesia, democracy actually turned out to be useful for solving ethnic conflicts. Now, a liberally minded ex-general is president, so why not in Burma?"
Chan Htun agreed, saying the real problem in the military is the junta's chief, Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Even some of his aids might be willing to enter into genuine talks with the opposition, he said.
In the AP report, a Burmese historian Thant Myint-U, the grandson of U Thant who was a former UN general- secretary, said that it is unclear whether members of the large, educated Burmese exile community would return to the country if the junta fell and how effectively they might contribute to a new government.
One Rangoon university professor told The Irrawaddy he believed many Burmese would like to return to the country to help it rebuild.
"If Burma changed, I’ll go back and work for the people voluntarily," he said. "For that, I don’t need a position in the government. I will serve the country any way I possibly can.”
A Burmese scholar in Singapore, said, “It is amazing. Many people (foreign experts) make comments on Burma, but they have never been to our country.”
A veteran Arakanese journalist inside Burma said some experts lack a deep understanding of Burma’s affairs.
“They are just buying the regime’s propaganda," he said. "Their opinions don’t represent ethnic people who are living inside Burma.”
He noted that even under the government of the later dictator Gen Ne Win, several ethnic leaders held high- ranking positions. Thura Saw Phyu, an Arakanese, was chief of staff and a minister and several other Arakanese, Shan and Karen served in the government.
“I don’t think educated Arakanese want to have a separate state," he said. "We want to be part of Burma. We are proud to be a part of Burma, and we are Buddhists," he said. "We would be better off because of democracy—what we want is greater autonomy.”
Under the current regime, he said, there is racial discrimination against ethnic minorities in the armed forces. By having more power sharing among different groups in Burma, that sort of attitude could be changed, he said.
A spokesperson of the Shan State Army-South, Sai Lao Hseng, said that if the current government collapsed a better government would be formed, and there are no real conflicts among ethnicities now. The SSA-South is one of the few ethnic groups still fighting the Burmese army.
“It is time for us to fight together to topple the military regime and try to establish a better government in our country,” he said.
Sergeant Hkangda La Tawng (29), a Kachin special narcotic police officer died of amphetamine(Yama) overdose early this month in a public hospital in Rangoon, former capital of Burma, said Kachin community sources.
Sergeant Hkangda La Tawng was involved in the recent brutal crackdown on monk-led demonstrations against Burma's ruling junta in Rangoon between September 24 to 30, according to the Sergeant's relatives in Rangoon.
During the crack down on the Rangoon demonstrations, he had eaten amphetamine contaminated food prepared by the authorities. He had to be hospitalized at public hospital in west Rangoon soon after the operation ended, his relatives, added.
He died of Yama overdose on October 7 and his funeral service was held by the Kachin Christian community in Rangoon, the next day, said Rangoon Kachin community sources.
Sergeant La Tawng had been working in the Special Narcotic Police section in his native city of Lashio in Northeast Shan State. He had gone to Rangoon to attending a three-month intensive computer course, according to his relatives.
He was due to be promoted to the rank of Second Lieutenant after coming back from Rangoon to Lashio on the completion of his computer course, relatives said.
During the junta's bloody crack down, the junta said 10 people were killed though the western governments say the actual death toll is far higher.About 3,000 people were arrested countrywide, but a few hundred have been freed, the state media has said.
Friday, October 26, 2007
ေအာက္တုိဘာလ ၂၆ ရက္၊၂၀၀၇
Thursday, October 25, 2007
Announcement of the
The 15th full meeting of the Central Committee, Kachin Independence Organization
1. The 15th full meeting of the KIO Central Committee was held between October 15th
- 20th, 2007, at Laiza.
2. The National Convention, a consultative meeting of the Union of Myanmar, was concluded on September 3, this year and on October 19 recently, we learned that a commission to draft a constitution has now been appointed. As the process of constitution crafting begins one of the most important goals for us will be the proper recognition and inclusion of the rights of ethnic national communities.
3. The United Nations has strongly urged an inclusive process, a dialogue-based approach toward the constitution crafting process, and we welcome and fully support this view.
4. We also welcome the recent advice of the government of the People's Republic of China to the effect that it wishes to see peaceful relations between the peoples of Myanmar, and that it hopes that different national communities will be able enjoy the rights they are entitled to.
5. The KIO wants the Union of Myanmar to be founded on the principle of a genuine federal system where the national communities of all constituents of the Union do enjoy the full rights of political self-determination. To attain this shall continue to be the primary goal of the KIO.
6. Consistent with our vision for a Union that is genuine, just and fair, and in accordance with our own determination to be a part of the construction of that Union, we wish to state that we are prepared to consider changing the name of Kachin Indpendence Organization. But this will be done only with full consultation and consent of the Kachin people, and a formal decision to confirm it by the Kachin Consultative Assembly. However, we will not begin this process unilaterally.
The Central Committee
Kachin Independence Organization
Unauthorized translation by KAF from Jinghpaw original. Dated October 21, 2007
Wednesday, October 24, 2007
Monday, October 22, 2007
Friday, October 19, 2007
By DEB RIECHMANN, Associated Press Writer
President Bush imposed new sanctions Friday to punish Myanmar's military-run government and its backers for a deadly crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.
Expanding on sanctions imposed last month, Bush ordered the Treasury Department to freeze the U.S. assets of additional members of the repressive junta. He also acted to tighten controls on U.S. exports to Myanmar, also known as Burma. And he called on the governments of China and India to do more to pressure the government of the Southeast Asian nation.
"The people of Burma are showing great courage in the face of immense repression," Bush said in the Diplomatic Room of the White House. "They are appealing for our help. We must not turn a deaf ear to their cries."
Last month, tens of thousands of people turned out for rallies, which started as protests of sharp fuel increases and later snowballed into the largest show of government dissent in decades. The junta claims that 10 people were killed when troops opened fire on demonstrators to disperse them, but diplomats and dissidents say the death toll is much higher.
"I believe no nation can forever suppress its own people," Bush said. "And we are confident that the day is coming when freedom's tide will reach the shores of Burma."
The president directed the Treasury Department to bar almost a dozen more senior Myanmar government officials from using the U.S. financial system. These include the mayor of Rangoon and the ministers of electric power, health, education, industry, labor, science and technology, commerce, national planning and economic development, finance and revenue, telecommunications and construction.
Treasury banned 14 other officials last month, including the junta leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, and the No. 2 man in the military regime, Deputy Senior Gen. Maung Aye.
Bush also issued a new executive order that names an additional 12 individuals and business entities for sanctions. The order gives the Treasury Department expanded authority to sanction individuals responsible for public corruption, human rights abuses or for supporting and providing financial backing to the regime.
The Chinese Foreign Ministry had no comment on the sanctions. China, a close ally of Myanmar and a major source of economic support, has said in the past that it has taken a "constructive and responsible attitude" on the issue and that sanctions would not be effective in resolving the situation.
"Sanctions do have an impact," White House press secretary Dana Perino said. "We believe that tightening the noose around the leaders in Burma, as well as their cronies who help them by carrying out their bank transactions and buying their luxury goods, is a way to increase the pressure so that the Burmese can be relieved of the dictatorship."
Derek Mitchell, an expert on Asia at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the new sanctions further squeeze the leaders of Myanmar. But he said the international community should also offer them incentives, such as affirming the territorial integrity of Myanmar or guaranteeing their personal safety should they lose their authority.
"There have to be some incentives because they're fearful that if they release their grip on power, they will go the way of other dictators — at best, imprisoned or ruined, at worst, a bullet in the back of the head," Mitchell said.
Bush was joined in the Diplomatic Room by first lady Laura Bush who has made personal appeals in support of Myanmar citizens, saying the acts of violence "shame the military regime."
"Burmese authorities claim they desire reconciliation. Well, they need to match those words with actions," the president said.
He said the Myanmar government needs to provide the International Committee of the Red Cross and other humanitarian organizations access to political prisoners; allow pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other detained leaders to communicate with one another; and to permit U.N. Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari to enter the country immediately.
"Ultimately, reconciliation requires that Burmese authorities release all political prisoners and begin negotiations with the democratic opposition under the auspices of the United Nations," he said.
Gambari met with the junta leader in Myanmar earlier this month, as well as twice with Suu Kyi, but he has so far failed to bring about a dialogue between the two sides. U.N. diplomats said Friday that Gambari is unlikely to return to Myanmar before mid-November as the Security Council had wanted.
Gambari has said he was invited to return to Myanmar in mid-November, but might try to go earlier. Diplomats said, however, it appears that Myanmar's military rulers have not given him a visa for an earlier visit.