The Voice for Justice, Equal Right, Freedom, Genuine Federal Union, Democracy and Self-determination in Burma. "Justice War Must always Win over Injustice".

တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာ တရားမွ်တမွဳ၊တန္တူအခြင္႔အေရး၊လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊စစ္မွန္ေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု။ဒီမုိကေရစီ၊ ႏွင္႔ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပဌာန္ခြင္႔အသံမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္၊
"တရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲဟာ မတရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲကုိ အျမဲေအာင္ရမည္

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

OPINION/ANALYSIS; Toward A Democratic Change in Burma

OPINION/ANALYSIS; Toward A Democratic Change in Burma

By Siri Mon Chan November 26, 2008

Burma is a multi-ethnic country. There are many ethnic nationalities such as Chin, Kachin, Karen, Mon, Arakanese, Shan and Burmese reside in Burma. Southern Part of Burma was occupied by the British in 1824, and the whole Burma was colonized by the British between 1885 to 1948. Burma gained independence in 1948, and until 1962, it was under the political framework of liberal democratic parliamentary system. General Ne Win took power in March 1962, and until 1988 General Ne Win under the political system of “Burmese Way to Socialism” led Burma. In 1988, People Power movements (known as 8888, 8 August, 1988) has successfully dismantled the one party rule of Burmese Socialist Programme Party (BSPP).

At the time, it seemed that the February 1986 People Power Revolution in the Philippines was about to be repeated in Burma. People in Burma believed that the international community, especially the United Nations and western governments, would somehow intervene on their behalf, since the military-socialist regime had collapsed and the people had clearly expressed their strong desire for a change. Unfortunately before a transition to democratic system was successfully completed, Burmese military led by General Saw Maung staged a coup on 18 September, 1988, killing thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators.

Since 1988, Burma’s neighbours and, other significant powers did not respond constructively to Burma’s political crisis. Despite the bloodbath, Burma’s neighbours and the international community did not act in a manner Burmese public expected. While western world and India condemned the massacre and froze or cut back on economic relations, neighbouring countries particularly China, Thailand, and Singapore, recognized the military regime, SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council). Many Burmese believe, and still believe that if the international community, including Burma’s neighbours and the UN system, withheld recognition, the coup would have collapsed.

In a bid to ease the tension in the country, the military government promised to hold a multi-party election on 27 May 1990, and in that general election, National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Su Kyi won a landslide victory (392 of 485- parliamentary seats). However, the military government still refused to hand over power to the democratically elected government. Instead , SLORC issued its Declaration No. 1/90 on 27 July, 1990. The steps set out in Declaration No. 1/90 followed the refusal of the army since 1988 to concede power to civilian under an interim constitution. Rather, the military government would hold a National Convention to draft a constitution. The timing of SLORC Declaration No. 1/90 was apparently intended to pre-empt the results of a meeting of NLD parliamentary members held in Rangoon on 28 and 29 July.

Responses from Other Asian Nations

In 1988, India was highly critical of the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council). But since Rangoon has played a very clever and successful game with the two regional rivals, China and India, SLORC was successful in manipulating New Delhi’s fear of a major Chinese military presence in Burma and obtaining Indian cooperation on a number of issues.

In fact, since 1988 China was on of the a few countries that has exercised the greatest economic and strategic influence in Burma. Steady Chinese economic support to the SLORC, and then SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) gives the junta the confidence to crush the opposition, knowing that it can thumb its nose at foreign criticism and sanctions.

The absence of criticism of Burmese military regime’s actions by neighbouring Southeast Asian governments and China has been underscored by cross border collaboration and assistance from Thailand and China. Expanding trade with these countries have been essential not only for economic growth but also for military government status.

Japan’s policy of ‘quiet dialogue’ is essentially constructive engagement, but sensitively tuned to the reactions of Tokyo’s allies in the west. It is, in fact, the middle-of-the road brand of constructive engagement. Unlike western countries, Japan has insisted that its lines of communication remain open to military regime and that a Japanese economic presence – in the form of very limited foreign aid and private investment – is needed to prevent Burma’s isolation.

India’s response to Burma has been complex. In the wake of 1988 political crisis and the SLORC’s crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators, India was the only Asian country to express, through official channels, criticism of SLORC and sympathy for the democracy movement. The state-owned All-India Radio (AIR) broadcast strong criticism of the new regime in Burma, and Indian government welcomed Burma Student refugees with far greater hospitality than did Thailand.

By the mid-1990s,, however, New Delhi initiated a more conciliatory policy toward its eastern neighbours. This was because, like Southeast Asian countries and Japan, New Delhi also feared Beijing’s growing influence over Burma and hence implement its ‘Look East Policy’.

Responses From the US

On July 29 2003,President Bush signed into law the “Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act” a much stronger set of economic sanctions than the non-retroactive ban on American investments passed by President Bill Clinton in 1997. The 2003 sanctions comprise four main components;

(1) an extension of visa ban on officials of the SPDC (the State Peace and Development Council) and the USDA( the Union Solidarity and Development Association),

(2) a freeze on the US assets of Burmese officials,

(3) ban on financial transactions between American parties and “entities of Rangoon Regime”,

(4) an embargo on all imports from Burma to the US.

Because most major economic enterprises, including banks, are owned by or closely connected to the SPDC, the measures were designed to hit hard at the military regime’s economic foundation in order to persuade it to release Aung San Suu Kyi and make genuine progress towards democracy.

The purpose of US sanctions is two folds – (1) As a Symbolic Expression ( to express disapproval of the regime’s objectionable behaviour; giving moral support to the democratic opposition), and (2) As Behaviour Modification (to force the regime, through negative reinforcement, to change that behaviour).

As a symbolic gesture, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act was effective insofar as it helped focus international attention on Burma. But, the second dimension, behaviour modification, was not as effective as intended.

It appeared that sanctions cannot work as ‘behaviour modification’ unless they are universally enforced. On the other hand, the Asian commitment to ‘constructive engagement’ since 1988 has also no positive impact on Burma either.

The United Nations Response

The United Nations system also did not work in favor of Burma’s change to democracy. Russia and China always vetoes resolution on Burma. On 10 January, 2007, Russia and China vetoes a draft UNSC resolution that would have urged Burma to ease repression and release political pressures. 15- member Council, France, Italy, Belgium, Slovakia, Ghana and Peru joined the United kingdom and the United States who put forward the resolution. But South Africa Joined Russia and China in voting ‘No’. Three other elected members, Indonesia, Qatar and Congo, abstained. A resolution that would set out key actions Burma rulers must take to reduce the threat to peace and security in the region and provide a better life for their people. The draft resolution also called on the regime to cease military attacks against civilians in ethnic minority regions. It also underscore the urgent need for Burma to allow international aid organizations to operate without restrictions.

Without effective and constructive response there is no sign of military government making a move to a democratic change. The military regime went ahead with its referendum amidst the UN and international community’s calls to abandon after the devastating cyclone. The military regime claims that 92.4 percent of voters approved a military back constitution held at a referendum on 10 May 2008. The new constitution is widely regarded as undemocratic and unconstitutional as the 25-precent of parliamentary seats reserved for the military and the president of the country must have military experiences. Important ministries such as Defence, Internal Affairs and Border Affairs must go to the military.

In conclusion, it is apparent that both sanctions and ‘constructive engagement’ policy are not a constructive response to the Burma’s political crisis since 1988. For any sort of policy to be effective, Burma’s neighbours and other significant powers need to work together. Perhaps with the United Nations in a coordinating role, to develop a unified policy that will reduce the military regime to play one country off another like playing between India and China with its fear game. Sanctions also cannot work unless they are universally applied. On the other hand, the ASEAN’s commitment to ‘constructive engagement’ since 1988 has also no positive impact on Burma either.

(This paper was presented at a seminar on Asia-Pacific Security at the Australian Defence Force Academy)


Seekins, D.M. (2005). ‘Burma and U.S. Sanctions: Punishing an Authoritarian Regime’, Asian Survey, vol.55, no.3, pp.437-452.

Seekins, D.M.(1997). ‘Burma-China Relations: Playing with Fire’, Asian Survey, vol.37, no.6, pp.525-539.

Taylor, R.H. (1991). ‘Myanmar 1990: New Era or Old?’, Southeast Asian Affairs, vol.18, pp.199-218.

Yawnghe, C.T.(1995). ‘The Depoliticization of the Political’, in Muthiah Alagappa (ed), Political Legitimacy in Southeast Asia: The Quest for Moral Authority, Stanford University Press, Stanford.



ဗုံေဖာက္မွဳမ်ားႏွင့္ေသနတ္ပစ္ခတ္မွဳမ်ားေၾကာင့္ဟုိတယ္ႏွစ္လုံးကေနမီးခုိးမီးေငြ.ေတြပ်ံ.ႏွံ.လ်က္ပါ၊ထူဆန္းတာကေတာ့၊အၾကမ္းဖက္ သမားေတြဟာသူတုိ.၏အသက္အႏၱရာယ္ကုိလုံးဝပဓာနမထားဘဲကမ္းကုန္ေအာင္ရမ္းကားရက္စက္ေနသည္ကုိေတြ.ရပါသည္၊သူတုိ.မွာအႏု ျမဴလက္နက္ေတြ၊စက္ေသနတ္ေတြကုိင္ေဆာင္ထားပါသည္ဟုမ်က္ျမင္သူမ်ားကေျပာပါသည္၊

အေမရိကန္အစုိးရအေနနဲ.အေျခအေနကုိအနီးကပ္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနျပီးလုိအပ္ရင္အကူအညီေတြေပးမည္လုိ.ေျပာပါသည္၊အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံ သားမ်ားအႏၱရာယ္ဆုိက္ေရာက္ေနတဲ့အေျခအေနကုိတုိင္ၾကားဆက္သြယ္ႏုိင္ရန္ ဟတ္လုိင္းဖုန္းတစ္ခုဖြင့္ထားပါသည္၊ U.S. hotline
ဟုိတယ္မွာတည္ခုိးေနတဲ့လူအမ်ားစုဟာ စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြ၊မင္းသားမင္းသမီးေတြ၊အဆင့္ျမင့္သူေဌးေတြျဖစ္ၾကသည္၊ဟုိတယ္တည္ခုိးသူ တစ္ဝက္ေလာက္ဟာႏုိင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္၊အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳေစာင့္ၾကည့္သူမ်ားက ဒါဟာအေမရိကန္သမၼတသစ္အုိဘာ မာအတြက္စိန္ေခၚခံရမည္.နမူနာအေျခအေနတစ္ခုဘဲလုိ.သုံးသပ္သြားပါသည္၊

ဒီအၾကမ္းဖက္စီးနင္းတဲ့လုပ္ရပ္ဟာ MUJAHINDIN မူဂ်ာဟိန္ဒင္းအဖြဲ.၏လက္ခ်က္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းေျပာဆုိပါသည္၊

Tuesday, November 25, 2008



တြင္ ထုိင္းလြႊတ္ေတာ္ရုံကုိဝုိင္းရံပိတ္လုိက္သည္၊

္သိမ္းခံရျခင္းႏွင့္ပါတီအဖြဲ.ဝင္မ်ားႏုိင္ငံေရးလုပ္ပုိင္ခြင္.တားျမစ္ခံရျခင္းကုိအက်ဳိးသက္ေရာက္ေစခဲ့သည္၊ထုိ.အျပင္၊ဘုရင္စနစ္ ႏွင့္ဘုရင္၏အတုိင္ပင္ခံအမတ္မ်ား၏လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင္.အာဏာကုိက်ယ္ျပန္.စြာတုိးခ်ဲ.ထားပါသည္၊အကယ္၍ယင္ဥပေဒကုိအထက္ လြႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွင့္ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား၏မဲအမ်ားစုျဖင့္ျပင္ဆင္ခြင့္ရရင္ ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္းတပ္ဆင္ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံျပန္လာႏုိင္ျခင္း ႏွင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးလုပ္ပုိင္ခြင္.ပိတ္ပင္ခံထားရေသာသူ၏ပါတီဝင္မ်ားကုိႏုိင္ငံ ေရးျပန္လည္လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင္.ရျခင္း၏အက်ဳိးမ်ားသက္ေရာက္မွာျဖစ္ပါသည္၊ထုိ.ေၾကာင့္၊ ယင္ဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ကုိလုံးဝမျပဳလုပ္ႏုိင္ ေရးအတြက္ပီေအဒီအဖြဲ.ဦးေဆာင္ျပီးဆန္.က်င္ဆႏၵျပျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္၊

ထုိင္းလြႊတ္ေတာ္ရုံကုိပိေအဒီအဖြဲ.ေတြပိတ္ပင္ထားသျဖင့္လြႊတ္ေတာ္အစည္းအေဝးကုိဖ်က္သိမ္းလုိက္ရသည္၊ေနာက္တစ္ခါ၊ ဒြန္မိန္းအျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာေလဆိပ္တြင္ယာယီအစုိးရေဂဟာစုိက္ထားေသာေနရာမွာလႊတ္ေတာ္မ်ားအစည္းအေဝးလုပ္ရန္ ၾကိဳးစားေသးသည္၊ပီေအဒီအဖြဲ.ကသတင္းရလွ်င္ရခ်င္း သြားေရာက္ပိတ္ပင္လုိက္ျပန္သည္၊ေနာက္ဆုံးတစ္ေခါက္က၊ထုိင္းစစ္ တပ္ဗဟုိဌနခ်ဳပ္မွာလႊြတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားအစည္းအေဝးလုပ္ရန္ၾကိဳးစားျပန္ေသာ္လည္းပီေအဒီအဖြ.ဲေတြသြားေရာက္ပိတ္ပင္ ထားျပန္သျဖင့္အစည္းအေဝးကုိခ်က္ခ်င္းဖ်က္သိမ္းလုိက္ရျပန္သည္၊ပီေအဒီအဖြဲ.၏လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳမ်ားကုိအစုိးရလုိလာေသာအက်ၤီ အနီးအုပ္စုကေႏွာက္ယွက္ျခင္း၊ခဲနဲ.ေပါက္ျခင္း၊တုတ္နဲ.ရုိက္ျခင္း၊လက္နက္၊လက္ပစ္ဗုံမ်ားနဲ.တုိက္ခုိက္ျခင္းမ်ားကုိျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါသည္၊

ပီေအဒီဦးေဆာင္ေသာလက္ရွိဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ဆြန္းခ်ဳိင္းေဝါင္စဝြပ္ႏွဳတ္ထြက္ေရး၊ဥပေဒျပင္ဆင္ခ်က္ဆန္.က်င္ေရးႏွင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးစန စ္သစ္တစ္ခုဖန္းတီးေရးလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳမ်ားအရွိန္ျပင္းေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွားဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ဆြန္းခ်ဳိင္းကပဲရူႏုိင္ငံတြင္ျပဳလုပ္ေနေသာေအပက္ ထိပ္သီးအစည္းအေဝးကုိတက္ေရာက္ေနပါသည္၊တစ္ခ်ိန္တည္မွာပင္၊ဒီေန.ဗုဒၶဟူးေန.၊အခ်ိန္(၁)နာရီေလာက္တြင္ ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ကသုဝဏၰဘူမိေလဆိပ္မွာျပန္လာဆင္းေရာက္မယ္လုိ.သတင္းရွရွိထားသျဖင့္ေသာင္းနဲခ်ီးေသာပီေအဒီအဖြဲ.ေတြက

ထုိကဲ့သုိ.ပိတ္ပင္ထားသည္ကုိမေက်နပ္ေသာအစုိးရလုိလာသူမ်ားကဗုံနဲ.ပစ္ခဲ့ရာဆက္တုိက္ဗုံေလလုံးေပါက္ကြဲခဲ့ပါသည္၊ဒဏ္ရာရ ရရွိသူေပါင္း(၁၆)ေယာက္ရွိသြားျပီးျဖစ္ပါသည္၊သုဝဏၰဘူမိေလဆိပ္၏ထြက္ေပါက္အားလုံးကုိပီေအဒီအဖြဲ.မ်ားပိတ္ပင္ထားသ ျဖင့္ေလယာဥ္မ်ားပ်ံသန္းဆင္းေရာက္မွဳမ်ားကုိလည္လုံးဝရပ္စဲလုိက္ရျပီးျဖစ္ပါသည္၊ပီေအဒီအဖြဲ.အေနနဲ.ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ဆြန္းခ်ဳိင္း ႏွဳတ္မထြက္မခ်င္းေလဆိပ္ကေနထြက္ခြာမယ္မဟုတ္ဘူးလုိ.ေၾကညာထားပါသည္၊အစုိး၇လုိလာသူမ်ားနဲ.ေထာက္ခံသူမ်ားအ ၾကားအၾကမ္းဖက္တုိက္ခုိက္မွဳမ်ားမျဖစ္ပြားရန္ထုိင္းရဲႏွင့္စစ္တပ္မ်ားကအနီးကပ္ေစာင့္ေနပါသည္၊

ထုိင္းစစ္တပ္ကဘက္မလုိက္ရပ္တည္သြားမယ္လုိ.ေျပာဆုိေနေပမဲ့အစုိးရဘက္မွာရပ္တည္ေနပါသည္၊ထုိင္းရဲတပ္ဖြဲ.အမ်ားစုက အစုိးရဘက္မွာလုံးဝရပ္တည္ေနဆဲပါ၊ဒါေပမဲ့၊အလတ္တန္းလူတန္းစာထုိင္းျပည္သူလူထုနဲ.ထုိင္းေလတပ္ဖြဲ.တုိ.ကပီေအဒီအဖြဲ. ကုိေထာက္ခံေနပါသည္၊ဒါေပမဲ.၊ထုိင္းစစ္တပ္နဲ.ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ.ေတြကအၾကမ္းဖက္မွဳလုပ္လာမယ့္လကၡဏာလုံးဝမေတြ.ေသးပါ၊ ေအာက္တုိဘာလ(၇)ရက္ေန.တုန္းကထုိင္းရဲေတြအၾကမ္းဖက္ႏွိမ္းနင္းမွဳကုိလူႏွစ္ေယာက္ေသးဆုံးျပီး၄၀၀ေက်ာ္ဒဏ္ရာရရွိခဲ့ သျဖင့္ထုိင္းမိဘုရားအပါအဝင္ထုိင္းျပည္သူလူထုအမ်ားစုကလက္မခံႏုိင္တဲ့ရွတ္ခ်ေအာ္သံမ်ားထြက္ေပၚခဲ့ပါသည္၊


ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံခရီးသြားမည့္.သူမ်ား ဒီဖုန္းနံပါတ္ကုိစုံစမ္းေမးျမန္ႏုိင္ပါသည္၊

AOT also has provided a hotline number for inquiries: 02-1321882 and 02-1321888. However, an AOT official said the lines soon became jammed.

For THAI flight information, the following number 02-3561111 has been provided.

Saturday, November 22, 2008

အမ်ဳိးသားေန.တြင္တစ္ကုိယ္ေတာ္ဆႏၵျပမွဳျဖစ္ပြား၊မင္းကုိႏုိင္ႏွင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား မ်ားအားလုံးလႊတ္ေပး ဟုေတာင္းဆုိ၊

မ်ားအားလုံးလႊတ္ေပး ဟုေတာင္းဆုိ၊

Sole Myanmar protester demands activists' release

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — A lone demonstrator staged a silent protest in front of detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party headquarters Saturday demanding the military government free all student activists as the country celebrated its National Day.

The holiday commemorates a boycott by Yangon University students 88 years ago in defiance of British colonial rule, a protest that inspired Myanmar's independence movement.

Although the government does not hold any public events to mark the day, Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy regularly celebrates with a party.

Before the celebration, party member Min Thein walked into the middle of the street in front of the party headquarters and stood silently with a placard reading, "Release Min Ko Naing and other political prisoners."

Min Ko Naing is a member of the 88 Generation Students group, which participated in a brutally suppressed 1988 democratic uprising. Along with many of his fellow former students he was sentenced to 65 years in prison this month for taking part in an Aug. 21, 2007, street protest against a massive fuel price hike by the government.

Plainclothes police took videos and photos of Min Thein's lone protest but did not arrest him during the minutes he stood silently.

"I am expressing my feelings and I am ready to face all consequences," Min Thein told reporters after the protest.

The party marked the anniversary by calling for the release of all political prisoners, including student activists and Buddhist monks who were arrested during anti-government demonstrations in September last year.

Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years under house arrest.

Wednesday, November 19, 2008

ထုိင္းအစုိးရရုံအတြင္းဗုံေပါက္ကြဲ၊တစ္ေယာက္ေသဆုံး၊၂၆ ေယာက္ဒဏ္ရာရ

ထုိင္းအစုိးရရုံအတြင္းဗုံေပါက္ကြဲ၊တစ္ေယာက္ေသဆုံး၊၂၆ ေယာက္ဒဏ္ရာရ

ထုိင္းျပည္သူ.မဟာမိတ္ဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ.မ်ားသိမ္းပုိက္ထားေသာထုိင္းအစုိးရရုံအတြင္အစုိးရလုိလာေသာအမည္မသိသူမ်ားက (M79)ဗုံနဲ.ပစ္ခဲ့ရာဆႏၵျပသူမ်ား တစ္ေယာက္ေသဆုံးျပီး၂၆ ေယာက္ဒဏ္ရာရရွိသြားပါသည္၊ေပါက္ကြဲအခ်ိန္မွာမနက္ပုိင္း ၃.၂၅မိနစ္ျဖစ္ျပီးထုိင္းဘုရင္အမေတာ္၏အသုဘအခမ္းအနားတစ္ရက္အလြန္လည္ျဖစ္၏၊

ဆုိရင္ဗုံမ်ားဆက္တုိက္ ေပါက္ကြဲမည္.သတိေပးေျပာၾကားခ်က္ကုိ ထုိင္းဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကတိယာ စဝတ္ဒိဘြန္ကေျပာၾကားခဲ့ျပီးတပ္ ဆင္၏ေျပာေရးဆုိခြင့္ရွိသူ စတုပြန္ ပေရာမ္ဖန္းကလဲထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံတြင္ေနာက္အခါျငိမ္းခ်မ္းမွဳဆက္ျပီးမရွိေတာ့ဘူးလုိ.ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့ပါသည္၊

ယင္ကဲ့သုိ.ဗုံေပါက္ကြဲျပီးမၾကာခင္မွာပင္ျပည္သူ.မဟာမိတ္ဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ.ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကသတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲျပဳလုပ္ရာမွာ လာမည့္ ၂၃ ရက္ေန.က်ရင္အၾကီးမားဆုံးလူထုဆႏၵျပပြဲတစ္ခုကုိက်င္းပရန္ေဆာ္ၾသထားပါသည္၊ထုိင္းအစုိးရကုိျဖဳတ္ခ်ရန္ ေနာက္ဆုံးလွဳပ္ရားမွဳတစ္ခုျဖစ္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း၊အစုိးရအေနနဲ.အၾကမ္းဖက္မွဳကုိေနာက္ကြဲကေနေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနတာကုိ၎ တုိ.ကလဲနည္းမ်ဳိးစုံနဲ.တုံ.ျပန္သြားမည့္အေၾကာင္း၊ဒီလုိေပါက္ကြဲမွဳကုိအစုိးရနဲ.ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ.မွာလုံးဝတာဝန္ရွိေၾကာင္းျပင္းထန္း တဲ့စကားလုံးမ်ားျဖင့္ရွင္းလင္းေျပာၾကားသြားပါသည္၊

ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနေစာင့္ၾကည့္သူမ်ားက ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ျဖစ္ပြားႏုိင္မည့္အလာလာရွိေနေၾကာင္းသုံးသပ္ ေျပာဆုိေနၾကပါသည္၊ဒီလုိႏွစ္ဖက္တင္းမာေနတဲ့အေျခအေနကုိေျပလည္ေအာင္တာဝန္ယူေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္မည့္အဖြဲ.မရွိေသးသျဖင့္ ထထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံေရး၏ထြက္ေပါက္လမ္းစေပ်ာက္ဆုံးေနသည္၊တျခားေသာေကာလဟာလေျပာဆုိေနတဲ့သတင္းစကားတစ္ခုအရ
ထုိင္းစစ္တပ္က ထုိင္းဘုရင္တုိင္ပင္ခံအမတ္ခ်ဳပ္ ပရင္တင္ဆုလာႏြန္း၏အမိန္.ကုိဆက္နာခံရန္ျငင္းဆန္းေနသည္၊ဘုရင္တုိင္ ပင္ခံအမတ္ခ်ဳပ္ ပရင္တင္ဆုလာႏြန္ဟာတပ္ဆင္၏ရန္သူနံပါတ္တစ္အျဖစ္တပ္ဆင္ေထာက္ခံသူမ်ားကယုံၾကည္ေနၾကပါ သည္၊တပ္ဆင္အေနနဲ.လာမည့္ ၂၃ ရက္ေန.က်ရင္မိန္.ခြန္းထပ္ေလာင္ေျပာၾကားတဲ့အခါ ၎၏ႏုိင္ငံေရးရန္သူမ်ားစရင္းကုိ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာရန္ရွိသည္ဟု အရိပ္ျမြက္ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါသည္၊ထုိ.ေနာက္၊တပ္ဆင္က၎လမ္းေဘးေရာက္သြားေအာင္တြန္.
ပုိ.ေနသူမ်ားကုိျပန္လည္တုိက္ခုိက္သြားရန္တပ္လွန္.ထားသည္ ဟုေၾကညာထားပါသည္။

1 killed, 26 injured in explosion in Government House

Published on November 20, 2008

One protester was killed and 26 other were injured when a bomb exploded inside the Government House complex in front of the main stage of the People's Alliance for Democracy early Thursday morning.
Guards and protesters said the explosion occurred at 3:25 am, just a day after the so-called ceasefire during the royal cremation period.

PAD guards rushed the 27 injured protesters to four hospitals. One of them later died at the hospital. He was identified as Jenjit Kladsakhon, 48. The bomb shrapnel inflicted a 2-cm-deep wound on his throat.

Ten injured were rushed to the Phra Monkut Hospital, 8 to Ramathibodi Hospital, 3 to Central Hospital, 1 to Vajira Hospital and 5 to Chulalongkorn Hospital.

Police were not allowed to check the explosion scene which the PAD guards cordoned off.

Following the explosion, PAD guards would not allow anyone to leave the Government House compound unless he or she carried an ID card.

The guards speculated that the bomb might be fired from behind the Civil Service Commission head office or from a building of the office.

Sujitra Chaiphet, 55, a protester from Lampang, said she was woken up by the explosion sound.

She then heard a lot of people screaming painfully and saw many people covered with blood on their arms and body, most of them women.

Despite the explosion, she said she would continue her protest at the Government House.

Earlier, Maj Gen Khattiaya Sawasdiphol, an expert attached to the Army head office, threatened the PAD with bomb attacks, saying if the protesters did not leave the Government House complex soon, they would be attacked with bombs daily.

The explosion also came after Jatuporn Promphan, a personal spokesman of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, quoted the ousted leader as saying there would be no more peace in Thailand.

What to do about Burma



What to do about Burma

Written by Nehginpao Kipgen

Thurday, 20 NOVEMEBER, 08

The US appears ready to move beyond sanctions

With years of sanctions following years of sanctions that have had little effect on Burma's leaders, the US government has apparently shifted to a new policy with the creation by the Congress of a post for policy chief for Burma to increase pressure on the junta.

That was followed by the announcement by the White House on November 10 of the nomination of Michael Green, who has served as a senior director for Asian Affairs on President George W. Bush’s National Security Council, to the position.

According to the legislation passed by the Congress, the policy chief is to consult with the governments of China, India, Thailand and Japan, members of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the European Union to coordinate international strategy to see if they can move the junta into a more reasonable stance than its hard-line refusal to allow the Burmese even a modicum of democracy.

Whether this maneuver brings vigor to the Burmese democratic movement is a question remains to be seen, however. Green, long involved with the Burmese situation, should have noticed the quandary over the Burmese political imbroglio, especially the futility of conflicting approaches by the international community. Sanctions have little impact on the military regime due to engagements by neighboring countries, notably China, India and members of ASEAN. Nor have popular uprisings had any effect. They have been tasted twice, in 1988 and in 2007. Both events were brutally crushed by the military with force.

There is no doubt about the U.S. sanctions hurting the military generals and also the general public. Had there been a coordinated international approach, Burma could have been different today. It must be difficult for the US government to abandon its traditional policy of isolating the Burmese generals and start engaging with them. But they have to realize that sanctions alone are not effective in resolving Burma’s crisis when there is engagement on the other end.

While sanctions are in place, the new envoy can start initiating a ‘carrot and stick’ policy by working together with key international players. The one similar to the North Korean six-party talks model which involved United States, North Korea, China, Japan, Russia and South Korea should be given emphasis on Burma. The hard work of the US in North Korea has now paid off with North Korea being removed from the State Department’s list of terrorists, and in return, North Korea promised to shut down and dismantle its nuclear facilities.

It was not only the stick that worked but also the carrot. The U.S. offered energy and food assistance to the North Korean leadership. A similar initiative could convince Burma’s military generals to come to the negotiating table. The Burmese talks, also a six-party negotiation involving the United States, European Union, ASEAN, China, India, and Burma should be initiated. In the beginning, the junta and some other countries might resist the proposal, but we need to remember that the North Korean talks were also initially not supported by all parties.

Now that the UN Secretary General is heavily involved in the process, the US could garner stronger support from the international community. Without such a move from the U.S., Ban Ki-moon’s 'Group of Friends of the Secretary General on Myanmar' will yield little.

The most effective UN intervention would happen if the Security Council were decide to take action. This scenario is bleak with China and Russia vetoing the move, and likely to do it again if the Burma issue were to come up on the Council’s agenda.

The creation of a U.S. special envoy and policy chief for Burma is a welcome move. With this new position coming into place, the U.S. should start moving beyond imposing sanctions.

Nehginpao Kipgen is the General Secretary of US-based Kuki International Forum (www.kukiforum.com) and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004).

Tuesday, November 18, 2008

Myanmar: Courts Imprison Ethnic Minority Activists


Myanmar: Courts Imprison Ethnic Minority Activists

2008-11-19 10:08

YANGON, MYANMAR: A court in military-ruled Myanmar has sentenced three ethnic minority activists and a well-known Buddhist monk to prison, continuing a crackdown that began last week with pro-democracy activists.

Meanwhile, five United Nations experts issued a statement Tuesday (18 Nov) in Geneva strongly condemning the "severe convictions and the unfair trials of prisoners of conscience in Myanmar." At least 70 activists were sentenced to prison terms last week, and another seven on Monday (17 Nov).

Chin leader Chin Sian Thang said a court inside Yangon's Insein Prison on Tuesday sentenced his son, Kam Lat Khaot to 33 years in prison and his nephew, Kai Kham Kwal, to eight years.

Chin Sian Thang said a member of the Arakan minority was also given 33 years. The Arakan, like the Chin, are clustered in western Myanmar.

Ashin Gambira, one of the most prominent monks leading pro-democracy protests in September 2007, was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment and still faces further charges, he said.

"The judicial system in Myanmar has collapsed and the courts are passing down sentences in contravention of the law. These secret trials are blatant violations of human rights," Chin Sian Thang said.

Chin Sian Thang is a prominent politician who won a parliamentary seat in elections in 1990, the results of which were never recognized by the ruling junta. He said he received information about the sentencing while waiting outside the prison.

The Chin leader said he was detained for about a month during last year's pro-democracy demonstrations, while his son and nephew were arrested in October. The junta's repression of the protests resulted in at least 31 people being killed and thousands detained, according to U.N. estimates.

The statement from the U.N. experts said they "strongly urge the Myanmar authorities to cease harassing and arresting individuals for peacefully exercising their internationally recognized human rights."

"They further demand that all detainees be retried in open hearings respecting fair trial standards and the immediate release of their defense counsels," it said. Three defense lawyers have been sentenced to several months imprisonment for contempt of court, while several others have been barred from representing their clients. (AP)
MySinchew 2008.11.19


မင္းထက္ေအာင္၊ ႏုိဝင္ဘာ ၁၈၊ ၂၀၀၈။ (ကာအုိဝါအုိသတင္းဌာန)

နအဖရဲ႕ အဓိကနံပါတ္တစ္ ရန္သူကေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းေျမေပၚ အတိုက္ခံပါတီ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ တုိင္းရင္းသား ပါတီမ်ားနဲ႕ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး လႈပ္႐ွားသူေတြပါ ၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဒီလႈပ္႐ွားသူ အင္းအားစုေတြမွာ ပါဝင္ေနၾကတဲ့ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အမ်ားစုဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလာကမွာ ေ႐ွ႕မီ ေနာက္မီ အေတြ႕အႀကဳံမ်ား ႐ွိခဲ့သလုိ ကမၻာနဲ႕ျမန္မာျပည္ အေျခအေနကုိ ေခတ္ကာလနဲ႕အညီ သိ႐ွိနားလည္ၾကတဲ့သူေတြပါ။ ဆုိလုိတာက ႏုိင္ငံေရးကုိ နားလည္ၾကတဲ့သူေတြပါ။ ပူးေပါင္း ပါဝင္လွဳပ္႐ွားေနၾကတဲ့ လူငယ္စုေတြကုိလည္း စစ္အစုိးရက ေလွ်ာ့မတြက္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အဓိက နံပါတ္တစ္ ရန္သူနဲ႕ ဆက္စပ္တဲ့သူေတြကုိ ဟုတ္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ မဟုတ္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ တရားတာ မတရားတာ အပထား၊ နအဖနဲ႕ အေပါင္းအပါေတြက ယၡဳ သီတင္းပတ္မွာ မေထာက္မၫွာ ေထာင္ဒဏ္အသီးသီး ခ်ခဲ့ပါၿပီ။

တဖက္က အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြဟာ မူလက နအဖရဲ့ ရန္သူနံပါတ္တစ္ စာရင္းဝင္ခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ေသနတ္ေတြက်ည္ မထုိးထားရေတာ့တဲ့ အဆင့္ေရာက္ေအာင္ ဟန္ေဆာင္ၿပီး မိတ္ဖြဲ႕ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ေတာ့ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြဟာ နံပါတ္တစ္ရန္သူစာရင္းကေန ေခတၲ ေလွ်ာက်သြားပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ တဖက္နဲ႕တဖက္ လံုးဝ ယံုၾကည္စိတ္ခ်ရတဲ့ အဆင့္ေတြကုိ မတည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ၾကေသးပါဘူး။

ဒီေတာ့ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြအေပၚ ေျဗာင္ေျဗာင္တင္းတင္း လက္ရဲဇက္ရဲ မကုိင္တြယ္ မစြက္ဖက္ရဲ ေသးတာဟာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြအသီးသီးမွာ လက္နက္ကုိယ္စီ ႐ွိေနေသးလုိ႕ပါပဲ ၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ နအဖက ဒီအဖြဲ႕ေတြအေပၚ လံုးဝ လစ္လွ်ဴျပဳထားတာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။

နအဖ အေနနဲ႕ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြရဲ႕ အေျခအေနကုိ အၿမဲတမ္း ေလ့လာဆန္းစစ္မႈေတြ ျပဳလုပ္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြရဲ႕ လက္႐ွိအေနအထား ၊ လက္နက္လူအင္အား၊ ဘ႑ာေရး ရပ္တည္မႈမ်ား၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားရဲ႕ တဦးခ်င္း ရပ္တည္မႈ အေျခအေန၊ ႐ုပ္ပုိင္း စိတ္ပုိင္း အားနည္းခ်က္၊ အားသာခ်က္မ်ားေတြကုိ နအဖရဲ႕ ေအာက္ေျခအဖြဲ႕မ်ား အၿမဲမျပတ္ ေလ့လာသုံသပ္ၿပီး အစီရင္ခံေနၾကရပါတယ္။

အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြအေပၚ တုိက္႐ိုက္္ အမိန္႕ေပးႏုိင္တဲ့အေျခအေန နအဖ မရ႐ွိေသးေပမဲ့ ဘ႑ာေရးအရ နအဖကုိ တည္မွီေနရတဲ့ အခ်ဳိ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းနဲ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြအေပၚ ၾသဇာေညာင္းလာတာ ေတြ႕႐ွိလာရပါတယ္၊ နအဖ ေစခုိင္းႏုိင္တဲ့အဖြဲ႕ေတြ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္ၿပီး အခ်င္းခ်င္းပဲ ျဖစ္ေစ၊ အနီးကပ္ မဟာမိတ္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းနဲ႕ျဖစ္ေစ အေသးစား ပဋိပကၡမွ အႀကီးစားျဖစ္လာေအာင္ လုိအပ္တဲ့ကာလမွာ နအဖက အသုံးခ်လာႏုိင္ပါတယ္၊ သြယ္ဝုိက္တဲ့နည္းနဲ႕ သပ္လွ်ိဳ ၿဖိဳခြင္းမႈေတြ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့သာဓကမ်ား ႐ွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္း အာဏာလြန္ဆြဲမႈ ျဖစ္လာေအာင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ိဳ႕ကုိ မက္လံုးေပး ဖဲ့ထုတ္စည္း႐ုံးၿပီး သီးသန္႕ အဖြဲ႕သစ္ေတြ ထပ္မံ ေပၚေပါက္လာေအာင္ ဖန္တီး၊ ဒီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြအတြင္းမွာ ညီညြတ္မႈ မ႐ွိေနၾကသေယာင္ သတင္းလႊင့္၊ ပဋိပကၡေတြ တေျဖးေျဖး ႀကီးထြားလာေအာင္ နအဖ မသိမသာ ေသြးထုိး ႀကံေဆာင္ေနတာပါ။ အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ကုိပဲ အဓိကထားၿပီး ထင္သာျမင္သာ ႐ွိေအာင္ တင္ျပခဲ့ေပမဲ့ အပစ္အခတ္ မရပ္ရေသးတဲ့အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြနဲ႕လည္း နအဖရဲ႕ ကုိင္တြယ္လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနမႈေတြဟာ ပံုသ႑ာန္အရ အနည္းငယ္ ကြာျခားမႈ ႐ွိေပမဲ့ အႏွစ္သာရအားျဖင့္ သိပ္ၿပီး မကြာျခားလွပါဘူး။

နအဖက ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ လုပ္မယ္လုိ႕သာ တေၾကာ္ေၾကာ္ ေအာ္ေနပါတယ္၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီသစ္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းခြင့္အတြက္ အ႐ိပ္အေရာင္ မျပေသးပါဘူး၊ သူတို႕ပါတီနဲ႕ သူတို႕ရဲ႕လက္ေအာက္ခံ မဟာမိတ္ပါတီေတြ ဖြဲ႕စည္းေရးကုိ ႀကိတ္ၿပီး တိတ္တဆိတ္ လႈပ္႐ွားေနၾကပါတယ္၊ သူတုိ႕အဖြဲ႕ေတြ အဆင္သင့္ ျဖစ္တာနဲ႕ ရက္ပုိင္းတုိတုိေလးမွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ား ဖြဲ႕စည္းခြင့္ျပဳမဲ့ပုံ ေပၚေနပါတယ္၊ ကုိယ္က်ိဳး႐ွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႕ေတြပဲ ဒီေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ ပါဝင္လာဖုိ႕ မ်ားပါတယ္ ။တကယ္အဓိကက်တဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီ အင္အားစုေတြ၊ တိုင္းရင္းသား ပါတီကေတာ့ အဲဒီေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ၾကမွာ မဟုတ္သလုိ အသိမွတ္ျပဳမွာလည္း မဟုတ္တဲ့အတြက္ ေနာက္တက္လာမဲ့အစုိးရသစ္ ဆုိတာကလည္း ကုိယ့္ဇာတ္ကုိ ကုိယ္သာကၿပီး လက္ခုတ္တီးမဲ့ ပရိသတ္ ႐ိွမွာ မဟုတ္သလုိ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာမဲ့ရလာဒ္ေတြနဲ႕ အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖၚရမဲ့လုပ္ငန္းေတြဟာ အသက္ဝင္လာမွာ မဟုတ္တာ ေသခ်ာေနပါတယ္။

ျပည္သူလူထုနဲ႕ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ႕သေဘာ ဆႏၵမပါ အႏွစ္သာရ ကင္းမဲ့တဲ့ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုနဲ႕ ခရီးျမန္းေနရမဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သစ္ ဆုိတာဟာ နအဖ အေနနဲ႕ ဘယ္လုိမ်ား ေ႐ွ႕စခန္း ဆက္ရမလဲဆုိတာကုိ သတိျပဳမိဟန္ မေပၚပဲ ငါ့ေလွ ငါထုိး ပဲခူးေရာက္ေရာက္၊ ငါ့ျမင္းငါစုိင္း စစ္ကုိင္းေရာက္ေရာက္ လိုျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္၊ ၂၁ ရာစု အႀကိဳေရာက္ ေနပါၿပီ၊ ျပည္သူေတြဟာ ဘဝ႐ွင္မင္းတရားႀကီးရဲ႕ေခတ္က လူေတြ မဟုတ္ၾကပါဘူး။ ေခတ္စနစ္ ေတြလဲ ေျပာင္းလဲ တုိးတက္ေနပါၿပီ၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ နအဖရဲ့ ထိပ္ပုိင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြရဲ႕ ဦးေႏွာက္ထဲမွာေတာ့ ၂၁ ရာစုနဲ႕အညီ ျပည္သူေတြဆီက ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈကုိ မခံယူတတ္ေသးပါဘူး။

အပစ္ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြကုိ ဘယ္လုိနည္းနဲ႕ လက္နက္ျဖဳတ္ရမလဲ ဆုိတာ နအဖအဖုိ႕ ေခါင္းခဲစရာပါ၊ အႏွစ္ႏွစ္ အလလက ဘဝ၊ အသက္၊ ေခြၽး၊ ေသြးေတြနဲ႕ ရင္းၿပီး ရပ္တည္လာခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီလက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြဟာ ပုံမက် ပန္းမက် စစ္ဗုိလ္တစ္မတ္သား အစုိးရလက္ေအာက္မွာ လြယ္လြယ္နဲ႕ေခါင္းညိတ္ၾကမွာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ ဖဲြ႕စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပုံ အေျခခံဥပေဒကုိ အမ်ားလက္ခံႏုိင္တဲ့အေနအထား မ႐ွိသေ႐ြ႕ လက္နက္ကုိင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕ေတြ အားလုံးကုိ တစ္ေနရာထဲကေန ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္၊ အမိန္႕ေပးႏုိင္တဲ့အေျခအေနကုိ မေရာက္႐ွိႏုိင္ပါဘူး၊ ဒီလုိအေျခအေန ဟုိမေရာက္ ဒီမေရာက္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ၾကားကာလေတြ ႐ွည္ၾကာေနမယ္ဆုိယင္ မေဝးေတာ့တဲ့အနာဂတ္မွာ အဖက္ဖက္က ယုိယြင္းလာၿပီး ထိန္းမႏုိင္ သိမ္းမရ ျဖစ္လာကာ တကယ့္ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ႀကီးကုိ ဦးတည္ေနပါတယ္။ အခုလုိ ယာယီအားျဖင့္ တိတ္ဆိတ္ေနတဲ့ ေသနတ္သံေတြကုိ အနာဂတ္မဲ့ ေရ႐ွည္မွာ ဒီပုံစံအတုိင္း ခရီးဆက္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႕ မလြယ္ကူေၾကာင္း ေစာင့္ၾကည့္အကဲခတ္ႏုိင္ရန္ တင္ျပလုိက္ပါတယ္။

၀ါရင့္ႏွင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိး ဒီမုိကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ား အမ်ဳိးသားေန႔ေအာင္ပြဲက်င္းပမည္

၀ါရင့္ႏွင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိး ဒီမုိကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ား အမ်ဳိးသားေန႔ေအာင္ပြဲက်င္းပမည္
မင္းႏုိင္သူ/ ၁၈ ႏုိ၀င္ဘာ ၂၀၀၈(ေခတ္ျပဳိင္)

၀ါရင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳး ဒီမုိကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ား ပူးေပါင္းကာ ယခုလ (၂၂) ရက္ စေနေန႔တြင္ က်ေရာက္ေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားေအာင္ပြဲေန႔ အခမ္းအနားကုိ သခင္သိန္းေဖအိမ္တြင္ က်င္းပသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၀ါရင့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားတဦးက ေျပာၾကားသည္။

“ဒီႏွစ္ေတာ့ ၀ါရင့္နဲ႔ လူမ်ဳိးစုေတြေပါင္းၿပီးလုပ္မယ္။ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီကလည္းက်င္းပမယ္ လုိ႔ၾကားတယ္။ ၀ါရင့္အဖြဲ႔က မနက္ (၈) နာရီေလာက္မွာ လုပ္ၿပီး အန္အယ္လ္ဒီက (၁၂) နာရီေလာက္မွာ လုပ္မွာဆုိေတာ့ အခမ္းအနားကူးေျပာင္း တက္ခ်င္သူေတြအတြက္လည္း အဆင္ေျပမွာပါ” ဟု ၎က ဆုိသည္။

၀ါရင့္အဖြဲ႔သည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ စေနေန႔ကလည္း ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္က်ခံခဲ့ၾကရေသာ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီပါတီ၀င္ ဦး၀င္းတင္၊ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေရႊႏွင့္ ေဒါက္တာေမ၀င္းျမင့္တုိ႔ကိုလည္း
သခင္သိန္းေဖအိမ္မွာပင္ ဂုဏ္ျပဳပြဲတရပ္ က်င္းပေပးခဲ့သည္။ ဖိတ္ၾကားခံပုဂၢိဳလ္တဦးျဖစ္သည့္ သန္လ်င္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ဦးသန္းလြင္မွာမူ စင္ကာပူႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ေဆးကုသခံသြားေရာက္ေနရ သည့္အတြက္ တက္ေရာက္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ျခင္း မရွိေပ။

အရွင္ ဂမီၻရႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ားအား ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္မ်ား ခ်မွတ္


အရွင္ ဂမီၻရႏွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ားအား ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္မ်ား ခ်မွတ္

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ေရႊဝါေရာင္ သံဃာ့လႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ ဦးေဆာင္သံဃာ တပါးျဖစ္သည့္ အရွင္ဂမၻီရကို ရန္ကုန္ အင္းစိန္ေထာင္ရွိ အထူးတရား႐ုံးက ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၁၂ ႏွစ္ ခ်မွတ္ လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္ ။

အရွင္ဂမၻီရႏွင့္ သူ၏ မိသားစု

အရွင္ဂမၻီရ မိသားစုႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သူတဦးက “ေလာေလာဆယ္ ၁၂ ႏွစ္ခ်ထားတယ္၊ အခုခ်ထားတဲ့ ပုဒ္မေတြက ၅၀၅ (ခ)၊ ၂၉၅ (က) ၂ႏွစ္စီ သံုးေနရာကစြဲတယ္၊ အားလံုးေပါင္း ၁၂ႏွစ္ခ်ထားတယ္။ အရွင္ဂမၻီရ အပါအဝင္ ၁၁ ဦးကိုဖမ္းဆီးထားၿပီး စြဲထားတဲ့အမႈေပါင္းကေတာ့ မနည္းဘူး။ ေနာက္ရက္ေတြ ဆက္ၿပီး အမိန္႔ခ်ဖို႔ ရွိတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။

အသက္၂၉ ႏွစ္ရွိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစု၏ ဦးေဆာင္ကိုယ္ေတာ္တပါးျဖစ္သည့္ အရွင္ဂမၻီရအား စစ္အစိုးရက ဖမ္းဆီးထားၿပီးတႏွစ္အၾကာတြင္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ခ်မွတ္လိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

အရွင္ဂမၻီရကိုလြန္ခဲ့သည့္ႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလကေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ေသာ ေရႊဝါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလ ၄ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ မႏၱေလးတိုင္း စဥ့္ကိုင္ၿမိဳ႕၌ စစ္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

ထို႔အတူ မႏၱေလးတိုင္း သံဃာ့တပ္ေပါင္းစုမွ အရွင္ဦးေကလာသ ကိုလည္း ပုဒ္မ ၁၇ (၂၀) ၊ ၁၇ (၁) ၊ မတရားအသင္းပုဒ္မ တုိ႔ျဖင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၃၅ ႏွစ္ ယေန႔ခ်မွတ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

အရွင္ဂမၻီရကို တရားမဝင္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းႏွင့္ဆက္သြယ္မႈ၊ အီလက္ထရြန္းနစ္ပုဒ္မ၊ အမ်ားျပည္သူ အထိတ္တလန္႔ျဖစ္ေစမႈ၊ သာသာနာညႇိဳးႏြမ္းေစမႈ ၊ အေရးေပၚ စီမံခ်က္အက္ဥပေဒပုဒ္မ ၅ (ည)၊ မတရားအသင္းပုဒ္မ ၊ တရားမဝင္နယ္စပ္ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္သည့္ပုဒ္မ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ၿငိမ္ဝပ္ပိျပားမႈကို ထိခိုက္ပ်က္ျပားေစမႈ၊ လူငါးဦးထက္ပိုမိုစုေဝးမႈ၊ တရားမဝင္ပံုႏွိပ္ထုတ္ေဝမႈစသည့္ ဥပေဒပုဒ္မမ်ားျဖင့္ တရားစြဲဆိုထားေၾကာင္း ၎အမႈလိုက္ေရွ႕ ေနကေျပာသည္။

အလားတူ လႈပ္ရွားတက္ႂကြသူ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္သံုးဦးကိုလည္း ရန္ကုန္အင္းစိန္ေထာင္ အထူးတရားရုံးက ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ခ်မွတ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း အင္းစိန္ေထာင္ ဝန္ထမ္းအသိုင္းအဝန္းႏွင့္ နီးစပ္သူတဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ခ်င္းတိုင္းရင္းသား ကပ္လွမ္ခုတ္ (ခ) ကိုေက်ာ္စိုးႏွင့္ ရခိုင္တုိင္းရင္းသား ကိုတင္ထူးေအာင္တုိ႔ကို တိုင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ားအား စည္း႐ုံးလႈပ္ရွားမႈျဖင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၃၃ ႏွစ္စီ ခ်မွတ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း အဆိုပ္နီးစပ္သူက ေျပာသည္။

ခ်င္းတိုင္းရင္းသား အန္ေထာ္နီ (ခ) ကက္ခြမ္ကြာကိုလည္း ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၈ ႏွစ္ခ်မွတ္လိုက္သည္ဟု အဆိုပါ နီးစပ္သူကဆက္ေျပာသည္။

ကပ္လွမ္ခုတ္သည့္ တိုင္းရင္သားေခါင္းေဆာင္တဦးျဖစ္သည့္ ဦးက်င္ရွင္းထန္၏ သားျဖစ္ၿပီး အန္ေထာ္နီမွာ တူုျဖစ္သည္။
“သူတို႔ဟာ အမႈေတြဒီေလာက္က်ဴးလြန္ထားတာမဟုတ္ဘဲနဲ႔ အခုလို ႏွစ္ရွည္အမိန္႔ခ်မွတ္တာဟာ တရားမွ်တမႈမရွိပါဘူး” ဟု ဦးက်င္ရွင္းထန္က ဧရာဝတီကို ေျပာသည္။

အဆိုပါတိုင္းရင္းသားလူငယ္ ၃ ဦးကို လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလ သံဃာ့လႈပ္ရွားမႈႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလကုန္ပိုင္းကတည္းက အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့သည္။

Saturday, November 15, 2008

ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ားအၾကားေအအုိင္ဒီေအက္စ္ေရာဂါကူးစက္မွဳႏွဳန္းစုိးရိမ္းစရာအျမင့္ဆုံးအဆင့္သုိ.ေရာက္ရွိ ေနသည္ဟု အာဆီယံ-ယူအန္ပူးေပါင္းေလ့လာခ်က္မ


ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ားအၾကားေအအုိင္ဒီေအက္စ္ေရာဂါကူးစက္မွဳႏွဳန္းစုိးရိမ္းစရာအျမင့္ဆုံးအဆင့္သုိ.ေရာက္ရွိ ေနသည္ဟု အာဆီယံ-ယူအန္ပူးေပါင္းေလ့လာခ်က္မွာေဖာ္ျပ

(ဂ်ာကာတာ.ေအအက္ဖ္ပီသတင္း) အေရွ.ေတာင္အာရွတစ္ဝုိက္မွာသန္းနဲ့ခ်ီေသာေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ားဟာ ေအအုိင္ဒီအက္စ္ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာဝန္ေဆာင္မွဳမ်ား၊ဥပေဒပုိင္းဆုိင္ရာႏွင့္လူမွဳေရးဆုိင္ရာကာကြယ္မွဳမ်ား ကင္းမဲ့မွွဳေၾကာင့္ အိခ်္အုိင္ဗြီကူးစက္မဳွႏွုန္းစုိးရိမ္းစရာအျမင့္ဆုံးအဆင့္သုိ.ေရာက္ရွိေနသည္ဟု ေသာၾကာေန.ထုတ္ အာဆီယံ-ယူအန္ပူးေပါင္းအစီရင္ခံစာမွာေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္၊

အခ်က္အလက္စုံစုံလင္လင္နဲ.ေဖာ္ျပထားေသာ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူငါးဖမ္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ားမွာအိတ္ခ်္ အုိင္ဗြီကူးစက္မွဳႏွဳန္း(၉)ဒႆမရာခုိင္ႏွဳန္းရွိေၾကာင္းအစီရင္ခံစာမွာေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္၊

ဖိလစ္ပုိင္းမွာအိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗြီကူးစက္ခံရသူ၏မွတ္ပုံတင္ထားသူ(၃၅)ရာခုိင္ႏွဳန္းဟာေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ေနျပီး လာအုိ ႏုိင္ငံမွာ(၃၀)ရာခုိင္ႏွဳန္းဂဏန္းသုိ.ေရာက္သြားပါသည္၊

ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ားသည္ အေရွ.ေတာင္အာရွႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၏အမ်ဳိးသားစီးပြားေရးအတြက္ သက္ဝင္အင္းအားတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္ ေနေပမဲ့၎တုိ.၏အခြင့္အေရးကာကြယ္ေပးေရး၊အိတ္ခ်္ဗြီတားဆီးေပးေရးႏွင့္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေပးေရးေနရာမွာ ေမ့ပစ္ထား ေလ့ရွိသည္ ဟု ကုလသမဂၢဖြံ.ျဖဳိေရးစီမံကိန္း၏ေဒသဆုိင္ရာဒါရုိက္တာ Ajay Chhibber ေျပာပါသည္၊

ေဒသတြင္ အိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗြီကူးစက္ခံထားရသူ(၁)ဒႆမ(၅)သန္းေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ရွိျပီးသူတုိ.အမ်ားစုဟာ အလုပ္လုပ္တဲ့အရြယ္မ်ား ျဖစ္သည္ ဟုအစီရင္ခံစာမွာေဖာ္ျပပါသည္၊

ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ားသည္သာမန္လူဦးေရထက္အိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗြီကူးစက္မွဳႏွဳန္းႏွင့္ဒုကၡေရာက္ႏုိင္တဲ့အေနအထားပုိ မ်ားသည္၊

အာဆီယံႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၏အမ်ဳိးသားစီမံကိန္တြင္ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ားႏွင့္၎တုိ.၏လိင္ဆက္ဆံအေဖာ္မ်ားကုိ စုိးရိမ္း စရာအဆင့္ျမင့္ဆုံးသူမ်ားအျဖစ္ထည့္တြက္ထားေသာ္လည္းသူတုိ.၏လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားကုိစီစဥ္ေပးျခင္း၊ေငြေၾကးေထာက္ပံ့ေပး
ျခင္း၊ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ေပးျခင္းစေသာျပည့္ဝစုံလင္ေသာအစီအစဥ္မ်ားမရွိေသးေၾကာင္း ကုလသမဂၢေအအုိင္ ေအက္စ္၏ေဒသဆုိင္ရာဒါရုိက္တာ JVR Prasada Roi ကေျပာပါသည္၊

အစီရင္ခံစာတြင္ အေရွ.ေတာင္အာရွ(၁၀)ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားအတြင္းအိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗြြီကူးစက္မွဳမ်ားအေၾကာင္းႏွင့္အတူ လက္ရွိေရႊ.ေျပာင္းေနထုိင္သူမ်ားစံနမူနာ၏ပထမဆုံးအၾကိမ္ခြဲျခမ္းစိတ္ျဖာေလ့လာခ်က္မ်ားပါဝင္ေစသည္၊

ကေမၻာဒီယာ၊ျမန္မာ၊ႏွင့္ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ အရြယ္ေရာက္သူမ်ားအိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ဗြီကူးစက္မွဳႏွဳန္း(၁)ဒႆမ(၅)ရာခုိင္ ႏွဳန္းရွိေနတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ အာဆီယံႏုိင္ငံမ်ား၏အဆုိးဝါးဆုံးကူးစက္ခံေနရတဲ့ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္၊

ကေမၻာဒီယာ၊အင္းဒုိနီရွား၊လာအုိ၊ဖိလစ္ပုိင္းႏွင့္ဗီယက္နမ္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားသည္ျပည္ပႏုိင္ငံမ်ားမထြက္ခြာခင္ အိတ္ခ်္အုိင္ ဗြီကာကြယ္ေရးသင္တန္းမ်ားသင္ေပးထားပါသည္၊


ASEAN-UN study finds migrants vulnerable to AIDS

JAKARTA (AFP) -– Millions of migrants across Southeast Asia are vulnerable to HIV infection as they lack access to AIDS-related services and legal or social protection, an joint ASEAN-UN report said Thursday.

In Thailand, which has more comprehensive data, migrant fishermen showed HIV infection rates of up to 9.0 percent, according to the report published here by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the United Nations.

In the Philippines, 35 percent of registered people living with HIV were returning migrants. In Laos, the figure reached 30 percent.

""Migrant workers are a vital force to national economies in Southeast Asia, yet when it comes to protecting their rights and ensuring HIV prevention and treatment, they are often among the forgotten,"" United Nations Development Program regional director Ajay Chhibber said.

More than 1.5 million people are living with HIV in the region and most of them are of working age, the report said.

Risk behavior and HIV infection rates were considerably higher among migrants than in the general population.

""While migrants and their sexual partners are included as a vulnerable group in the national strategic plans of ASEAN countries, comprehensive programs to address their needs have yet to be developed, funded and implemented,"" UNAIDS regional director JVR Prasada Rao said.

The report included for the first time an analysis of current migration patterns along with HIV infection in ASEAN's 10 member countries

In some of ASEAN's worst affected countries, such as Cambodia, Myanmar and Thailand, over 1.5 percent of the adult population had been infected with HIV.

Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Vietnam have developed pre-departure training on HIV prevention for outbound, documented migrant workers.

However, many of the training sessions were ineffective, the report found.

Monday, November 10, 2008

Thousands flock to see Nepal's mystery "Buddha" boy


၂၀၀၅ တုန္ကဓါတ္ပုံမ်ား

Thousands flock to see Nepal's mystery "Buddha" boy

KATHMANDU (Reuters) - Thousands of people flocked to a remote jungle in southeast Nepal to see a boy, some believe is a reincarnation of Lord Buddha, who reappeared after missing for more than a year, police said on Tuesday.

Seventeen-year-old Ram Bahadur Bamjon spoke to devotees from nearby villages on Monday in the remote forest in Ratanpuri, 150 km (95 miles) southeast of Kathmandu, Prakash Sen, a police constable said.

Bamjon made international headlines in 2005 when tens of thousands of people turned up to see him sitting cross-legged under a tree in a dense forest for nearly ten months. reportedly without food and water.

Hundreds of devotees, including many from neighboring India are trekking the five-km (mile) site to see him on Tuesday, Sen said.

"He spoke to the devotees standing near a temple in the forest," Prakash Sen said after a visit to the site.

"He had shoulder-length hair and had his body wrapped in a white cloth."

"Since many people are walking to see him, I think he has some of the qualities Lord Buddha had," he said.

Buddha, the founder of Buddhism, was born a prince in Lumbini, a sleepy town in Nepal's rice-growing plains about 350 km (220 miles) southwest of Kathmandu more than 2,600 years ago.

He is believed to have attained enlightenment at Bodh Gaya in the eastern Indian state of Bihar, which borders Nepal.

(Reporting by Gopal Sharma; Editing by Bappa Majumdar and Sanjeev Miglani)

Tuesday, November 4, 2008

Welcome Yo! Hello! Man.


အေမရိကန္သမၼတအသစ္အုိဘာမားကုိ ဖုန္းျဖင့္ဂုဏ္ျပဳႏွဳတ္ဆက္ေနေသာသမၼတေဂ်ာ့ဘုရွ္

(Welcome Yo!! Bush said to Obama)

In this photo released by The White House President George W. Bush speaks with President-elect Barack Obama during a congratulatory phone call Tuesday, Nov.4, 2008, from the Treaty Room at the White House. Obama was elected the nation's first black president Tuesday night in a historic triumph that overcame racial barriers as old as America itself.

"To those who would tear this world down ¿ we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security ¿ we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright ¿ tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope."
(Obama Speech: Acceptance of the 44th President of the United States in Chicago, Nov4, 2008, Tuesday night)

အေမရိကန္ျပည္သူေတြကေျပာခဲ့ျပီးျပီ၊သူတုိ.ကရွင္းရွင္းဘဲေျပာလုိက္ျပီ၊အုိးဘာမားဟာက်ေနာ္၏ဆန္.က်င္ဘက္ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္၊ ဒါေပမဲ့၊သူဟာက်ေနာ္၏သမၼတျဖစ္လိမၼည္၊
""The American people have spoken, and they have spoken clearly" "Barack Obama was my opponent, but he will be my president" "
(John McCain Concedes: Speech in Phoenix Arizona on Tuesday night Nov4,2008)

တုိင္းရင္းသားစည္းလုံးညီညြတ္ေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရး၊ျပည္ေထာင္စုမျပဳိကြဲေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရး၊ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရ ျဖဳတ္ခ်ေရး၊ဒုိ.အေရးေဆာင္ပါးဖတ္ရွဴရန္၊ ရခုိင္မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ပညာရွင္ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ကြယ္လြန္သြားေၾကာင္းသတင္းကုိရခုိင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသာမကက်န္ရွိသည့္တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအတြက္လည္အမ်ားၾကီးဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္သည္၊ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ဟာရဲရင့္ျပီးသတိၱျပည့္ဝသည့္ပညာရွင္တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္သည္၊ထုိ.ေၾကာင့္၊သူ.ဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳဟာအမ်ားဆုံးရွဳံးမွဳပါ၊က်န္းရစ္သူမိသားစုဝင္မ်ားနဲ.ရခုိင္ျပည္သူမ်ားနည္းတူထပ္တူထပ္မွ်ေၾကးကြဲဝမ္းနည္းပါေၾကာင္းတုိင္းရင္းသားသံမွတင္ျပလုိက္ပါသည္၊

Min Ko Naing Birth Day

Min Ko Naing Birth Day