ေဒၚစုနဲ.စစ္အစုိးရတုိ.ေတြ.ဆုံသည့္အေပၚတုိင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္တုိ.ရဲ့အျမင္မ်ား
BBC Burmese
Monday, November 12, 2007
Sunday, November 11, 2007
Ethnic Nationalities Council(Union of Burma)
Statement No. 12/ 2007Date: 09 November 2007
(Statement No. 12/2007)
9 November 2007
“Ethnic Nationalities Council welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Statement”
The Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) warmly welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's statement, which was released by Mr. Gambari, the UN Secretary-General's Special Advisor for Burma on 8 November 2007.
The ENC Chairman Saw Ba Thin said, “Her statement reflects the Panglong Spirit---the spirit and principle on which the Union of Burma was founded in 1947 by her father, General Aung San, and ethnic leaders”.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi clearly pointed out “the need for solidarity and national unity”, and highlighted her willingness to work with “as broad a range of political organizations and forces as possible, in particular those of our ethnic nationality races.”
The ENC Chairman echoes her statement, saying, “From the very beginning, the ENC expressed our willingness to work with all the stakeholders in Burma, for the sake of solving the political crisis through a negotiated-settlement and end more than five long decades of civil war, in which we, the ethnic nationalities, are the main victims”.
The ENC also welcomes the meeting between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and General Aung Kyi, and expects along with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi that “this phase of preliminary consultations will conclude soon so that a meaningful and time bound dialogue with the SPDC leadership can start as early as possible”.
The ENC strongly believes that the best means to solve political crisis in Burma is through a “tripartite dialogue” amongst the SPDC, the 1990 election winning party led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic nationalities, as called for by the United Nations General Assembly's resolutions since 1994 and reaffirmed also by the United Nation Security Council's Presidential Statement on 11 October 2007.
The ENC congratulates Mr. Gambari, the UN Secretary-General's Special Advisor, for undertaking this difficult mission but regrets that the SPDC Chairman Senior General Than Shwe did not meet with him during his latest visit to Burma.
The ENC is disappointed that the SPDC rejected Mr. Gambari's proposal for the establishment of “a broad-based constitutional review commission and a broad-based poverty alleviation commission”. However, as the talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and General Aung Kyi progress, the ENC hopes that the SPDC will change its position.
Contact persons:
Dr. Lian H. Sakhong
David Taw
General Secretary
Joint General Secretary
E-mail: liansakhong@peacebuilding.se
E-mail: tawdavid2002@yahoo.com
Tel: +46-18-26 03 95
Tel: +66-(0)81-30 64 351
Statement No. 12/ 2007Date: 09 November 2007
(Statement No. 12/2007)
9 November 2007
“Ethnic Nationalities Council welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Statement”
The Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) warmly welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's statement, which was released by Mr. Gambari, the UN Secretary-General's Special Advisor for Burma on 8 November 2007.
The ENC Chairman Saw Ba Thin said, “Her statement reflects the Panglong Spirit---the spirit and principle on which the Union of Burma was founded in 1947 by her father, General Aung San, and ethnic leaders”.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi clearly pointed out “the need for solidarity and national unity”, and highlighted her willingness to work with “as broad a range of political organizations and forces as possible, in particular those of our ethnic nationality races.”
The ENC Chairman echoes her statement, saying, “From the very beginning, the ENC expressed our willingness to work with all the stakeholders in Burma, for the sake of solving the political crisis through a negotiated-settlement and end more than five long decades of civil war, in which we, the ethnic nationalities, are the main victims”.
The ENC also welcomes the meeting between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and General Aung Kyi, and expects along with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi that “this phase of preliminary consultations will conclude soon so that a meaningful and time bound dialogue with the SPDC leadership can start as early as possible”.
The ENC strongly believes that the best means to solve political crisis in Burma is through a “tripartite dialogue” amongst the SPDC, the 1990 election winning party led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic nationalities, as called for by the United Nations General Assembly's resolutions since 1994 and reaffirmed also by the United Nation Security Council's Presidential Statement on 11 October 2007.
The ENC congratulates Mr. Gambari, the UN Secretary-General's Special Advisor, for undertaking this difficult mission but regrets that the SPDC Chairman Senior General Than Shwe did not meet with him during his latest visit to Burma.
The ENC is disappointed that the SPDC rejected Mr. Gambari's proposal for the establishment of “a broad-based constitutional review commission and a broad-based poverty alleviation commission”. However, as the talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and General Aung Kyi progress, the ENC hopes that the SPDC will change its position.
Contact persons:
Dr. Lian H. Sakhong
David Taw
General Secretary
Joint General Secretary
E-mail: liansakhong@peacebuilding.se
E-mail: tawdavid2002@yahoo.com
Tel: +46-18-26 03 95
Tel: +66-(0)81-30 64 351
Saturday, November 10, 2007
က်ေနာ္ေျပာျပခ်င္သည့္ေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးပြဲအမွန္ရဲ့အရိပ္အေရာင္
ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက္၊၂၀၀၇။
ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၁၀ ရက္၊၂၀၀၇။
တုိင္းျပည္တစ္ျပည္မွာအကယ္၍စစ္မွန္ေသာေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးပြဲစတင္လုပ္မည္ဆုိရင္ေအာက္ပါအေျခ ခံအခ်က္မ်ားကုိကနဦလုပ္ေဆာင္ေပးရမည္။
၁။ေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရးစတင္မည့္အေၾကာင္းကုိအစုိးရကေနတရား၀င္ထုတ္ျပန္ေပးရမည္၊
၂။တစ္ျပည္လုံအတုိင္းအတာနဲ.အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးမ်ားကုိတရား၀င္ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာေပးရမည္၊
၃။ေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတြင္ပါ၀င္မည့္သူမ်ားကုိလြတ္လပ္မွဳရွိေစရမည္၊
၄။ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကုိခြ်င္းခ်က္မရွိလႊတ္ေပးရမည္၊
၅။ယုံၾကည္စိတ္ခ်ရေတာ့အဖြဲ.အစည္းတစ္ခုခု(ဥပမာ၊ယူအန္၊)သုိ.မဟုတ္အစုိးရတစ္ခုခုၾကား၀င္ဒုိင္လူ
ၾကီးအျဖစ္လုပ္ေပးရမည္၊
၆။ေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးပြဲကုိထိခုိက္ေစမည့္လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကုိႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံးေရွာင္ၾကည္ျပီရပ္တန္.ေပးရမည္၊
၇။ေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးရာမွာတကယ္အဆုံအျဖတ္ေပးႏုိင္သည့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအခ်င္းခ်င္းျဖစ္ရမည္၊
အထက္ေဖၚျပပါအဂၤါရပ္မ်ားႏွင့္မျပည့္စုံသည့္ေတြ.ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ဳိးကုိေအာင္ျမင္မွဳမရရွိႏုိင္ပါ၊
Thursday, November 8, 2007
တုိင္းရင္းသားအေရးအတြက္ျမန္မာျပည္ပထမသမၼတစ၀္ေရႊသုိက္ရဲ့သားေတာ္ဟန္ေညာင္ေရႊမိန့္ခြန္း
The following presentation is delivered by Harn Yawnghwe, Director of the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office and Advisor to the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) at the public seminar held at the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, 6 November.
No.02 - 11/20078 November 2007Dispatches
Burma: Perspective of the Ethnic Nationalities
The following presentation is delivered by Harn Yawnghwe, Director of the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office and Advisor to the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) at the public seminar held at the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, 6 November.
It was also attended by well known Burma activists such as Bo Kyi, Nang Hseng Noung, Soe Aung, Dr Sein Win, Mark Farmaner, Moureen Aung-Thwin and Debbie Stothard – Editor
BURMA - Perspective of the Ethnic Nationalities
Czech Parliament, Prague, Czech Republic - 06 November 2007 Harn Yawnghwe, Director, Euro-Burma Office, Brussels
Some in the audience may be wondering why I have been asked to speak about the perspective of the Ethnic Nationalities or ethnic minorities. After all, the recent popular uprisings in Burma have focused attention on the fact that we have a brutal military dictatorship and that the people want democracy. They may ask, ‘Why are we complicating matters by bringing in the ethnic minorities?’ In one sense, they are right. The uprising was not purely an affair of the majority ‘Burman’ people. Demonstrations took place in the Burman homeland and in all the seven ethnic states. The monks that were brutally suppressed were not all Burmans. Many were Arakan, Karen, Mon, Shan and even Kachin. So it is clear that the democracy movement includes all the people of various ethnic backgrounds. But on the other hand, it is very important that we talk about the ethnic nationalities. Why? Because although each ethnic group may be a minority, when you take the seven ethnic states together, their population make up 40% of population of Burma (20 out of 50 million people), and their homelands together make up 60 % of the territory of Burma (almost the size of Germany). The problem of the ethnic nationalities, therefore, is not a minority problem. It is a major constitutional problem. Secondly, the Burmese military first came to power in 1962 using the excuse that it seized power to prevent the disintegration of the nation. At that time, the ethnic states were trying to legally amend the constitution to transform Burma into a federation. Therefore, if the military is to give up power, we need to resolve this question. Third, while the ethnic people also want democracy as we have already seen, they have been engaged in an armed struggle with the central government since 1949. We need to understand what the ethnic nationalities want if we want peace in Burma.
However, it is important to note that the ethnic conflict in Burma is not horizontal like in the Balkans. It is a vertical conflict against the central government. Given this complicated situation, the United Nations General Assembly in 1994 adopted a resolution that called for a ‘Tripartite Dialogue’ to solve the problem and build a sustainable democracy. This means a dialogue among the military, democracy advocates, and the ethnic nationalities. This was the first time that the world body had recognized that the ethnic nationalities’ struggle for their rights is as legitimate as the struggle for democracy. It means that while the ethnic nationalities are part of the democracy movement, they also have a unique and different role to play in rebuilding Burma.
This is not understood by many people. In the name of unity, they want the ethnic nationalities to have exactly the same position as the rest of the democracy movement. This is not unity but uniformity. The Burma Army’s motto is ‘One blood, one voice, one command’.
You cannot build unity with such a slogan especially when 40% of your population is different. Europe knows what it means to have unity in diversity. So, from the ethnic nationalities point of view, the UNGA resolution is their window of opportunity. Fifty-eight years of armed conflict has not brought about the desired results. It is, therefore, crucial in their view that dialogue with the military is achieved. But the ethnic nationalities are well aware that a dialogue in itself will not bring about change. Many ethnic armies entered into ceasefires with the military starting from 1989 in order to find a political solution. But the military has not kept its promises.
To bring about the desired change, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic forces will have to skilfully use the economic and social concerns of the people. They will also need the full and coordinated support of the international community. In addition to sanctions, we need to find a way to get Burma’s neighbours to commit themselves to help bring about change in Burma. Burma’s neighbours have awoken up to the fact that the military’s mismanagement is causing instability in the region. I believe we now have an opportunity to convince our neighbours that if they want stability and economic development, things have to change in Burma. If we cannot convince China, Russia and India to help bring about change in using the language of democracy or human rights, we might be able to convince them to support change now because of economic factors. There is no better time than now. The world is focused on Burma.
The UN Secretary-General’s Special Advisor Professor Ibrahim Gambari is fully engaged. The UN Security Council has also endorsed his role. My recommendations are as follows:
1. The international community should fully support the efforts of Gambari. There should be no parallel processes to the UN effort.
2. Gambar's efforts should be fully supported by the UN Security Council.
3. However, the Security Council cannot be used as the sole instrument to move the dialogue process. It will lose its effectiveness if it cannot reach a consensus and it will backfire if China or Russia were to use their veto again.
4. We need a more permanent international effort to support Gambari. A multi-party talk along the lines of the Six Party Talks for North Korea but including the UN is needed. We need to get the neighbouring countries committed to supporting Gambari and bringing about change in Burma or they may be tempted to break rank in order to pursue individual national interests at the expense of a rival.
5. A 'Friends of Burma' or ‘Core Group’ to advise Gambari is not good enough. It excludes the SPDC. Being extremely paranoid, they will see it as a conspiracy against them. They need to be included and also held accountable in an international forum. The process around Gambari needs to be institutionalized.
6. In this context, an EU special envoy could represent the EU in Multi-Party Talks. It would be better still if the EU envoy had a troika team to assist him.
7. It is crucial that the UN, SPDC, India, China and the US are in the Multi-Party Talks. EU, ASEAN and Japan will be needed to provide the balance. Russia might also be needed to ensure that it does not become a spoiler. In terms of the EU, opportunities to advance the agenda will present themselves at the ASEAN Summit, the EU-India Dialogue, and the EU-China Dialogue this month. Thank you.Question asked at the one-day Conference:
Q. If there is a ‘Tripartite Dialogue’, who will represent the ethnic nationalities?
A. The concept of a ‘Tripartite dialogue’ does not necessary mean that three parties or three persons have to be at the table. For example, the SPDC is now talking to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi now as it did in 2000-2003. She is the key player. No one is asking for a third party to be introduced now. We have to see dialogue as a process. We are just trying to get a process started. The two parties have not even begun to discuss substantive matters. The ‘Tripartite Dialogue’ concept means that when substantive discussions start, we cannot solve the problem just by talking about democracy versus military rule. The military came to power because of its disagreement over a constitutional matter. The talks will have to deal with constitutional matters. When this happens, the process needs to be expanded to include all stakeholders, especially the ethnic nationalities. In other words, the ethnic armed groups have to be given an alternate way to settle their grievances – a political solution instead of armed struggle.
The following presentation is delivered by Harn Yawnghwe, Director of the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office and Advisor to the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) at the public seminar held at the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, 6 November.
No.02 - 11/20078 November 2007Dispatches
Burma: Perspective of the Ethnic Nationalities
The following presentation is delivered by Harn Yawnghwe, Director of the Brussels-based Euro-Burma Office and Advisor to the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) at the public seminar held at the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, 6 November.
It was also attended by well known Burma activists such as Bo Kyi, Nang Hseng Noung, Soe Aung, Dr Sein Win, Mark Farmaner, Moureen Aung-Thwin and Debbie Stothard – Editor
BURMA - Perspective of the Ethnic Nationalities
Czech Parliament, Prague, Czech Republic - 06 November 2007 Harn Yawnghwe, Director, Euro-Burma Office, Brussels
Some in the audience may be wondering why I have been asked to speak about the perspective of the Ethnic Nationalities or ethnic minorities. After all, the recent popular uprisings in Burma have focused attention on the fact that we have a brutal military dictatorship and that the people want democracy. They may ask, ‘Why are we complicating matters by bringing in the ethnic minorities?’ In one sense, they are right. The uprising was not purely an affair of the majority ‘Burman’ people. Demonstrations took place in the Burman homeland and in all the seven ethnic states. The monks that were brutally suppressed were not all Burmans. Many were Arakan, Karen, Mon, Shan and even Kachin. So it is clear that the democracy movement includes all the people of various ethnic backgrounds. But on the other hand, it is very important that we talk about the ethnic nationalities. Why? Because although each ethnic group may be a minority, when you take the seven ethnic states together, their population make up 40% of population of Burma (20 out of 50 million people), and their homelands together make up 60 % of the territory of Burma (almost the size of Germany). The problem of the ethnic nationalities, therefore, is not a minority problem. It is a major constitutional problem. Secondly, the Burmese military first came to power in 1962 using the excuse that it seized power to prevent the disintegration of the nation. At that time, the ethnic states were trying to legally amend the constitution to transform Burma into a federation. Therefore, if the military is to give up power, we need to resolve this question. Third, while the ethnic people also want democracy as we have already seen, they have been engaged in an armed struggle with the central government since 1949. We need to understand what the ethnic nationalities want if we want peace in Burma.
However, it is important to note that the ethnic conflict in Burma is not horizontal like in the Balkans. It is a vertical conflict against the central government. Given this complicated situation, the United Nations General Assembly in 1994 adopted a resolution that called for a ‘Tripartite Dialogue’ to solve the problem and build a sustainable democracy. This means a dialogue among the military, democracy advocates, and the ethnic nationalities. This was the first time that the world body had recognized that the ethnic nationalities’ struggle for their rights is as legitimate as the struggle for democracy. It means that while the ethnic nationalities are part of the democracy movement, they also have a unique and different role to play in rebuilding Burma.
This is not understood by many people. In the name of unity, they want the ethnic nationalities to have exactly the same position as the rest of the democracy movement. This is not unity but uniformity. The Burma Army’s motto is ‘One blood, one voice, one command’.
You cannot build unity with such a slogan especially when 40% of your population is different. Europe knows what it means to have unity in diversity. So, from the ethnic nationalities point of view, the UNGA resolution is their window of opportunity. Fifty-eight years of armed conflict has not brought about the desired results. It is, therefore, crucial in their view that dialogue with the military is achieved. But the ethnic nationalities are well aware that a dialogue in itself will not bring about change. Many ethnic armies entered into ceasefires with the military starting from 1989 in order to find a political solution. But the military has not kept its promises.
To bring about the desired change, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic forces will have to skilfully use the economic and social concerns of the people. They will also need the full and coordinated support of the international community. In addition to sanctions, we need to find a way to get Burma’s neighbours to commit themselves to help bring about change in Burma. Burma’s neighbours have awoken up to the fact that the military’s mismanagement is causing instability in the region. I believe we now have an opportunity to convince our neighbours that if they want stability and economic development, things have to change in Burma. If we cannot convince China, Russia and India to help bring about change in using the language of democracy or human rights, we might be able to convince them to support change now because of economic factors. There is no better time than now. The world is focused on Burma.
The UN Secretary-General’s Special Advisor Professor Ibrahim Gambari is fully engaged. The UN Security Council has also endorsed his role. My recommendations are as follows:
1. The international community should fully support the efforts of Gambari. There should be no parallel processes to the UN effort.
2. Gambar's efforts should be fully supported by the UN Security Council.
3. However, the Security Council cannot be used as the sole instrument to move the dialogue process. It will lose its effectiveness if it cannot reach a consensus and it will backfire if China or Russia were to use their veto again.
4. We need a more permanent international effort to support Gambari. A multi-party talk along the lines of the Six Party Talks for North Korea but including the UN is needed. We need to get the neighbouring countries committed to supporting Gambari and bringing about change in Burma or they may be tempted to break rank in order to pursue individual national interests at the expense of a rival.
5. A 'Friends of Burma' or ‘Core Group’ to advise Gambari is not good enough. It excludes the SPDC. Being extremely paranoid, they will see it as a conspiracy against them. They need to be included and also held accountable in an international forum. The process around Gambari needs to be institutionalized.
6. In this context, an EU special envoy could represent the EU in Multi-Party Talks. It would be better still if the EU envoy had a troika team to assist him.
7. It is crucial that the UN, SPDC, India, China and the US are in the Multi-Party Talks. EU, ASEAN and Japan will be needed to provide the balance. Russia might also be needed to ensure that it does not become a spoiler. In terms of the EU, opportunities to advance the agenda will present themselves at the ASEAN Summit, the EU-India Dialogue, and the EU-China Dialogue this month. Thank you.Question asked at the one-day Conference:
Q. If there is a ‘Tripartite Dialogue’, who will represent the ethnic nationalities?
A. The concept of a ‘Tripartite dialogue’ does not necessary mean that three parties or three persons have to be at the table. For example, the SPDC is now talking to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi now as it did in 2000-2003. She is the key player. No one is asking for a third party to be introduced now. We have to see dialogue as a process. We are just trying to get a process started. The two parties have not even begun to discuss substantive matters. The ‘Tripartite Dialogue’ concept means that when substantive discussions start, we cannot solve the problem just by talking about democracy versus military rule. The military came to power because of its disagreement over a constitutional matter. The talks will have to deal with constitutional matters. When this happens, the process needs to be expanded to include all stakeholders, especially the ethnic nationalities. In other words, the ethnic armed groups have to be given an alternate way to settle their grievances – a political solution instead of armed struggle.
Wednesday, November 7, 2007
သန္းေရႊတုိ့အဖြဲ.အတြက္ယမမင္းထံခံစစ္ေဆးသံေပါက္
ႏုိ၀င္ဘာလ၊၆ ရက္ေန့၊၂၀၀၇။
့ေမး။ အုိကြယ္ေယာက်ၤား၊လူျပည္သား၊ဘာမ်ားလုပ္ခဲ့သလဲ၊
ေျဖ။ ရဟန္းသံဃာ၊လူေက်ာင္းသား၊အမ်ားၾကီးသတ္ခဲ့တယ္၊
ေမး။ ရဟန္းသံဃာ၊လူေက်ာင္းသား၊ဘာေၾကာင့္သတ္ခဲ့သလဲ၊
ေျဖ။ တုိင္းျပည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္၊မင္းလုပ္မွာ၊အာဏာရုးလုိ.သတ္ခဲ့တယ္၊
ေမး။ မင္းတုိ.ျပည္မွာ၊သာသနာ၊မထြန္းကားဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ ကႊ်န္ေနာ့္ျပည္မွာ၊သာသနာ၊ထြန္းကားလွပါတယ္၊
ေမး။ ဗုဗၺဇိတ၊ဒုလႅဘ၊မရခဲ့ဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ ဗုဗၺဇိတ၊ဒုလႅဘ၊ကႊ်န္ေတာ္ရခဲ့တယ္၊
ေမး။ ဗုဒၶတရား၊မင္းဆရာ၊မေဟာဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ က်ေနာ့္ဆရာ၊ေဟာျပရွာ၊အနာမွမ၀င္ဘဲ၊
ေမး။ လူသတ္တရား၊ဘယ္ဆရာ၊ေဟာၾကားခဲ့သလဲကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ေဇာတိပါလ၊နာမည္ရ၊ၾကခတ္၀ုိင္းဆရာဘဲ၊
ေမး။ သူ.တရားကုိ၊နာမည္ဆုိ၊ဘယ္လုိေခၚသလဲကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ သားသုံးသား၊ရွင္းရမွာ၊တရားလုိ.ေခၚပါတယ္၊
ေမး။ သားမ်ဳိးသုံးသား၊ဆုိရာမွာ၊ဘာသားမ်ားျဖစ္သလဲ၊
ေျဖ။ ေက်ာင္းသားစစ္သား၊ဗုဒၶသား၊သားသုံးသားလုိ.ေခၚပါတယ္၊
ေမး။ ေဇာတိပါလ၊ထုိလူက၊မလာရေသဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ သူကေနာက္မွာ၊တန္းစီကာ၊လုိက္လာေနေတာ့တယ္၊
ယမမင္းဆုံးျဖတ္။ ေမးခြနး္မဆုံ၊အခ်ိန္ကုန္၊ရင္ခုန္လြန္လွတယ္၊
မင္းအရင္လာ၊မင္းကုိသာ၊ငါတုိ.စီရင္မယ္၊
မင္းအျပစ္က၊ၾကီးမားလွ၊အုိးထဲဆြဲခ်မယ္။။။။
(မွတ္ခ်က္။ သန္းေရႊအစစ္ခံသည့္အပုိင္းတစ္ခုပါ၊သူ.ေနာက္သားမ်ားအစစ္ခံသည့္အပုိင္းမပါေသပါ။)
ႏုိ၀င္ဘာလ၊၆ ရက္ေန့၊၂၀၀၇။
့ေမး။ အုိကြယ္ေယာက်ၤား၊လူျပည္သား၊ဘာမ်ားလုပ္ခဲ့သလဲ၊
ေျဖ။ ရဟန္းသံဃာ၊လူေက်ာင္းသား၊အမ်ားၾကီးသတ္ခဲ့တယ္၊
ေမး။ ရဟန္းသံဃာ၊လူေက်ာင္းသား၊ဘာေၾကာင့္သတ္ခဲ့သလဲ၊
ေျဖ။ တုိင္းျပည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္၊မင္းလုပ္မွာ၊အာဏာရုးလုိ.သတ္ခဲ့တယ္၊
ေမး။ မင္းတုိ.ျပည္မွာ၊သာသနာ၊မထြန္းကားဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ ကႊ်န္ေနာ့္ျပည္မွာ၊သာသနာ၊ထြန္းကားလွပါတယ္၊
ေမး။ ဗုဗၺဇိတ၊ဒုလႅဘ၊မရခဲ့ဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ ဗုဗၺဇိတ၊ဒုလႅဘ၊ကႊ်န္ေတာ္ရခဲ့တယ္၊
ေမး။ ဗုဒၶတရား၊မင္းဆရာ၊မေဟာဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ က်ေနာ့္ဆရာ၊ေဟာျပရွာ၊အနာမွမ၀င္ဘဲ၊
ေမး။ လူသတ္တရား၊ဘယ္ဆရာ၊ေဟာၾကားခဲ့သလဲကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ေဇာတိပါလ၊နာမည္ရ၊ၾကခတ္၀ုိင္းဆရာဘဲ၊
ေမး။ သူ.တရားကုိ၊နာမည္ဆုိ၊ဘယ္လုိေခၚသလဲကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ သားသုံးသား၊ရွင္းရမွာ၊တရားလုိ.ေခၚပါတယ္၊
ေမး။ သားမ်ဳိးသုံးသား၊ဆုိရာမွာ၊ဘာသားမ်ားျဖစ္သလဲ၊
ေျဖ။ ေက်ာင္းသားစစ္သား၊ဗုဒၶသား၊သားသုံးသားလုိ.ေခၚပါတယ္၊
ေမး။ ေဇာတိပါလ၊ထုိလူက၊မလာရေသဘူလားကြယ္၊
ေျဖ။ သူကေနာက္မွာ၊တန္းစီကာ၊လုိက္လာေနေတာ့တယ္၊
ယမမင္းဆုံးျဖတ္။ ေမးခြနး္မဆုံ၊အခ်ိန္ကုန္၊ရင္ခုန္လြန္လွတယ္၊
မင္းအရင္လာ၊မင္းကုိသာ၊ငါတုိ.စီရင္မယ္၊
မင္းအျပစ္က၊ၾကီးမားလွ၊အုိးထဲဆြဲခ်မယ္။။။။
(မွတ္ခ်က္။ သန္းေရႊအစစ္ခံသည့္အပုိင္းတစ္ခုပါ၊သူ.ေနာက္သားမ်ားအစစ္ခံသည့္အပုိင္းမပါေသပါ။)
Monday, November 5, 2007
Sunday, November 4, 2007
Thursday, November 1, 2007
ကခ်င္းသတင္းဌာနမွ
One person from each family in Waingmaw city were directed to join the demonstration to counter the recent monk-led demonstrations across the country, by the junta's Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) Chairman, U Min Kyi and the Special Branch police security forces of the city, the villagers told KNG today.
People from all villages in Waingmaw including some villagers eight miles away from the city had to march to Waingmaw downtown from their villages shouting slogans, carrying posters and loudspeakers in keeping with the junta's plans. The demonstration started at 7 a.m. and ended at 9:30 a.m. local time on October 25, according to participants.
At the demonstration, 13 year old children and 60 year old people were seen. Some of them were from Nongtarlaw, Makhanti, Ga Ra Yang, Shwe Nyaungpyin, Khatcho, Washong, Wayan and Mukchyik, the villagers added.
During the demonstration, the protesters had to shout slogans against US's economic sanctions and overseas Burmese radio services such as the BBC, VOA, DVB and RFA. A bicycle-rickshaw driver was forced to burn a picture of US President George W Bush, participants said.
The demonstrators also slogans supporting the junta's seven-step road map to ''disciplined democracy'' and the outcome of the National Convention (NC), the participants added.
The villagers who refused to join the demonstration were threatened with severe action by the authorities, the villagers in Ga Ra Yang told KNG today.
On September 29, over 20,000 people in Kachin State were forced to attend the a rally supporting the outcome of the NC in Myitkyina, Capital of Kachin State on the direct orders of Commander Maj-Gen Ohn Myint of Kachin State.
The Waingmaw USDA Chairman U Min Kyi was the key person who had organized the mass NC rally in Myitkyina in last month, said residents.Several Chairmen of Village Administration (Ya-Ya-Ka) ran away from the demonstration giving different excuses to the junta's Waingmaw administration (Ma-Ya-Ka).
Over 15,000 forced to join junta-led demonstration
October 31, 2007KNG
Over 15,000 people were forced to participate in a Burmese junta-led demonstration in Kachin State, Northern Burma by the authorities, said those who attended. A bicycle-rickshaw driver was coerced into burning a picture of US President George W Bush.
One person from each family in Waingmaw city were directed to join the demonstration to counter the recent monk-led demonstrations across the country, by the junta's Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) Chairman, U Min Kyi and the Special Branch police security forces of the city, the villagers told KNG today.
People from all villages in Waingmaw including some villagers eight miles away from the city had to march to Waingmaw downtown from their villages shouting slogans, carrying posters and loudspeakers in keeping with the junta's plans. The demonstration started at 7 a.m. and ended at 9:30 a.m. local time on October 25, according to participants.
At the demonstration, 13 year old children and 60 year old people were seen. Some of them were from Nongtarlaw, Makhanti, Ga Ra Yang, Shwe Nyaungpyin, Khatcho, Washong, Wayan and Mukchyik, the villagers added.
During the demonstration, the protesters had to shout slogans against US's economic sanctions and overseas Burmese radio services such as the BBC, VOA, DVB and RFA. A bicycle-rickshaw driver was forced to burn a picture of US President George W Bush, participants said.
The demonstrators also slogans supporting the junta's seven-step road map to ''disciplined democracy'' and the outcome of the National Convention (NC), the participants added.
The villagers who refused to join the demonstration were threatened with severe action by the authorities, the villagers in Ga Ra Yang told KNG today.
On September 29, over 20,000 people in Kachin State were forced to attend the a rally supporting the outcome of the NC in Myitkyina, Capital of Kachin State on the direct orders of Commander Maj-Gen Ohn Myint of Kachin State.
The Waingmaw USDA Chairman U Min Kyi was the key person who had organized the mass NC rally in Myitkyina in last month, said residents.Several Chairmen of Village Administration (Ya-Ya-Ka) ran away from the demonstration giving different excuses to the junta's Waingmaw administration (Ma-Ya-Ka).
Tuesday, October 30, 2007
ဆႏၵျပပြဲတြင္ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သူမ်ားကုိဓါတ္ပုံနဲ့တုိက္ျပီးမြန္ျပည္နယ္မွာလည္လုိက္လံဖမ္းဆီးေနတယ္
ဆႏၵျပပြဲတြင္ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည့္သူမ်ားကုိဓါတ္ပုံနဲ့တုိက္ျပီးလုိက္လံဖမ္းဆီးျခင္း၊စစ္ေဆးျခင္းႏွင့္ျပည္ပသုိ့
သတင္းဘယ္လုိျပန့္ႏွံ့သြားခဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိစစ္အစုိးရလူေတြကလုိက္လံစုံစမ္းေနသည္ဟုမြန္သတင္း
ဌာနမ်ား မွာေရးသားေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္။
ေမာ္လျမဳိင္ျမဳိ့ေပၚမွာေစ်းဆုိင္ပုိင္ရွင္မ်ားကုိအထူးစစ္ေဆးေမးျမန္ေနျပီးအဲဒီလုိလုိက္လံဖမ္းဆီးရွာေဖြ
ရာမွာၾကဖြံ.ႏွင့္စြမ္းအာရွင္မ်ားကစစ္တပ္ကုိကူးညီလမ္းျပခဲ့တယ္လုိ.ဆုိပါသည္။
မုဒုံျမဳိ့ကဘုန္းၾကီးေက်ာင္းေတြကုိင္ေရာက္စစ္ေဆးရာမွာအနည္းဆုံးဘုန္းၾကီးေလပါးေလာက္အျပင္း
အထန္အရုိက္ခံရျပီးဒီလုိ၀င္ေရာက္စစ္ေဆးမွဳကုိဗမာသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကိုသာပစ္မွတ္လုပ္ထားလုိ့
၀ါဒျဖန့္ထား ပါသည္။
ေဒသခံသတင္းရပ္ကြက္မ်ားအဆုိအရေမာ္လျမဳိင္ျမဳိ့ကသံဃာေတာ္အပါး၂၀၀ေလာက္လည္းေပ်ာက္
ဆုံးေနတယ္လုိ့သိရွိရပါသည္။
(ကုိကားခ်က္။ကာအုိ၀ါအုိႏွင့္လြတ္လပ္ေသာမြန္တင္းေအဂ်င္စီ)
ဆႏၵျပပြဲတြင္ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည့္သူမ်ားကုိဓါတ္ပုံနဲ့တုိက္ျပီးလုိက္လံဖမ္းဆီးျခင္း၊စစ္ေဆးျခင္းႏွင့္ျပည္ပသုိ့
သတင္းဘယ္လုိျပန့္ႏွံ့သြားခဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိစစ္အစုိးရလူေတြကလုိက္လံစုံစမ္းေနသည္ဟုမြန္သတင္း
ဌာနမ်ား မွာေရးသားေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္။
ေမာ္လျမဳိင္ျမဳိ့ေပၚမွာေစ်းဆုိင္ပုိင္ရွင္မ်ားကုိအထူးစစ္ေဆးေမးျမန္ေနျပီးအဲဒီလုိလုိက္လံဖမ္းဆီးရွာေဖြ
ရာမွာၾကဖြံ.ႏွင့္စြမ္းအာရွင္မ်ားကစစ္တပ္ကုိကူးညီလမ္းျပခဲ့တယ္လုိ.ဆုိပါသည္။
မုဒုံျမဳိ့ကဘုန္းၾကီးေက်ာင္းေတြကုိင္ေရာက္စစ္ေဆးရာမွာအနည္းဆုံးဘုန္းၾကီးေလပါးေလာက္အျပင္း
အထန္အရုိက္ခံရျပီးဒီလုိ၀င္ေရာက္စစ္ေဆးမွဳကုိဗမာသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကိုသာပစ္မွတ္လုပ္ထားလုိ့
၀ါဒျဖန့္ထား ပါသည္။
ေဒသခံသတင္းရပ္ကြက္မ်ားအဆုိအရေမာ္လျမဳိင္ျမဳိ့ကသံဃာေတာ္အပါး၂၀၀ေလာက္လည္းေပ်ာက္
ဆုံးေနတယ္လုိ့သိရွိရပါသည္။
(ကုိကားခ်က္။ကာအုိ၀ါအုိႏွင့္လြတ္လပ္ေသာမြန္တင္းေအဂ်င္စီ)
Monday, October 29, 2007
ေအာက္ကေဆာင္ပါးကုိဖတ္ၾကည့္ပါ။ဧရာ၀တီ၀က္ပ္ဆုိက္မွေဆာင္ပါးတစ္ပုိဒ္ပါ၊ဗမာဘာသာဖတ္လုိသူမ်ားအ
တြက္ဧရာ၀တီကေနဘာသာျပန္ျပီးတင္ျပေပးမယ္လုိ့ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္၊၊အေရးၾကီးတာကုိ၊
United We Stand, say Ethnic Leaders
By Shah Paung
October 29, 2007
The leaders confirmed that they did not view the uprising as a conflict between Burman and Burman, but a fight between the military government and the people of Burma.
A substantial percentage of Burma’s population is made up of ethnic peoples, including the Kachin, Karen, Shan, Mon and Arakan (Rakhine). The regime often claims in its propaganda-prone media that Burma has more than 130 national races, but does not clarify the subgroups of the minorities. The multicultural claim has raised fears among several governments in the region that Burma could disintegrate into another Yugoslavia or Iraq once the regime is overthrown.
Ethnic minorities joined in the nationwide demonstrations, side by side with Burmans. Although the monk-led demonstrations mainly took place in Rangoon, there were also protests in ethnic areas, particularly Arakan and Kachin states.
Aye Tha Aung, chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy and the secretary of the Committee Representing People’s Parliament, said that since the junta took power in 1962 the country’s political and economic situation has deteriorated. “The fight for democracy is also a fight for the rights of ethnic people,” the leading Arakanese politician told The Irrawaddy by phone.
Khin Htwe Myint, an elected member of parliament from the Karen State National League for Democracy told The Irrawaddy that the majority of people living inside Burma faced great difficulties as a result of military rule.
“Those who think the recent demonstrations were just for the benefit of one political party or one individual are very narrow-minded people,” she said.
During the peaceful protests, the security forces arrested more than 3,000 demonstrators, including Buddhist monks and well-known ethnic leaders who were outspoken, such as Cin Sian Thang, a member of the CRPP and chairman of the Zomi National Congress; and Thawng Kho Thang, also a member of the CRPP and the United Nationalities League for Democracy.
Burma’s ethnic leaders live in danger. Aye Tha Aung, and Shwe Ohn, aged 84, the senior leader of the Democratic League for the National Races of the Shan, claim that they are closely monitored by the Burmese authorities and can be arrested at any time. In February, 2005, Hkun Htun Oo, chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Sai Nyut Lwin, secretary of SNLD, Maj-Gen Sao Hso Ten, president of the Shan State Peace Council and Sai Hla Aung of SSPC were all arrested and given life sentences.
Several ethnic leaders are reputed to be narrow-minded; however, not only are they moderate and broad-minded, but they have been active in the democracy movement and take great risks in continuing the fight, not only for the rights of ethnic minorities but for all the people of Burma.
Aye Tha Aung and Khin Htwe Myint are cautious and emphasize that there are many opposition groups and armed groups living in Burma. Although their goal is the same they still cannot overthrow the regime.
“In this situation we have to think about unity,” Khin Htwe Myint said. “If we work together as one united front and are of the same conviction, we will achieve our aim.”
Aye Tha Aung questioned why so many dedicated groups have taken so long to topple the military regime. “Is this because of the military government is too strong?” he asked.
“If we want to build a federal democracy in our country we have to work together believing in this mission,” Aye Tha Aung added.
“We can never achieve it if we are not united—especially when we are fighting against the military rulers.”
တြက္ဧရာ၀တီကေနဘာသာျပန္ျပီးတင္ျပေပးမယ္လုိ့ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္၊၊အေရးၾကီးတာကုိ၊
United We Stand, say Ethnic Leaders
By Shah Paung
October 29, 2007
Ethnic leaders based inside Burma have told The Irrawaddy that they supported the recent monk-led protests. This comes in response to reports suggesting that exiled ethnic groups shied away from the protests and largely ignored the uprising.
The leaders confirmed that they did not view the uprising as a conflict between Burman and Burman, but a fight between the military government and the people of Burma.
A substantial percentage of Burma’s population is made up of ethnic peoples, including the Kachin, Karen, Shan, Mon and Arakan (Rakhine). The regime often claims in its propaganda-prone media that Burma has more than 130 national races, but does not clarify the subgroups of the minorities. The multicultural claim has raised fears among several governments in the region that Burma could disintegrate into another Yugoslavia or Iraq once the regime is overthrown.
Ethnic minorities joined in the nationwide demonstrations, side by side with Burmans. Although the monk-led demonstrations mainly took place in Rangoon, there were also protests in ethnic areas, particularly Arakan and Kachin states.
Aye Tha Aung, chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy and the secretary of the Committee Representing People’s Parliament, said that since the junta took power in 1962 the country’s political and economic situation has deteriorated. “The fight for democracy is also a fight for the rights of ethnic people,” the leading Arakanese politician told The Irrawaddy by phone.
Khin Htwe Myint, an elected member of parliament from the Karen State National League for Democracy told The Irrawaddy that the majority of people living inside Burma faced great difficulties as a result of military rule.
“Those who think the recent demonstrations were just for the benefit of one political party or one individual are very narrow-minded people,” she said.
During the peaceful protests, the security forces arrested more than 3,000 demonstrators, including Buddhist monks and well-known ethnic leaders who were outspoken, such as Cin Sian Thang, a member of the CRPP and chairman of the Zomi National Congress; and Thawng Kho Thang, also a member of the CRPP and the United Nationalities League for Democracy.
Burma’s ethnic leaders live in danger. Aye Tha Aung, and Shwe Ohn, aged 84, the senior leader of the Democratic League for the National Races of the Shan, claim that they are closely monitored by the Burmese authorities and can be arrested at any time. In February, 2005, Hkun Htun Oo, chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Sai Nyut Lwin, secretary of SNLD, Maj-Gen Sao Hso Ten, president of the Shan State Peace Council and Sai Hla Aung of SSPC were all arrested and given life sentences.
Several ethnic leaders are reputed to be narrow-minded; however, not only are they moderate and broad-minded, but they have been active in the democracy movement and take great risks in continuing the fight, not only for the rights of ethnic minorities but for all the people of Burma.
Aye Tha Aung and Khin Htwe Myint are cautious and emphasize that there are many opposition groups and armed groups living in Burma. Although their goal is the same they still cannot overthrow the regime.
“In this situation we have to think about unity,” Khin Htwe Myint said. “If we work together as one united front and are of the same conviction, we will achieve our aim.”
Aye Tha Aung questioned why so many dedicated groups have taken so long to topple the military regime. “Is this because of the military government is too strong?” he asked.
“If we want to build a federal democracy in our country we have to work together believing in this mission,” Aye Tha Aung added.
“We can never achieve it if we are not united—especially when we are fighting against the military rulers.”
Sunday, October 28, 2007
ေအာက္တန္းက်တဲ့အေနာက္တုိင္းကြ်မ္းက်င္းသူတစ္ခ်ိဳ.ႏွင့္ဗမာသမိုင္းဆရာၾကီးတစ္ခ်ိဳရဲ့အျမင္ကိုဒုိ.
တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြလုံး၀လက္မခံႏွူိင္ဘူး၊ကြ်မ္းက်င္းသူမ်ားအမည္ခံျပီးဗမာေခြးဘီလူးအစုိးရရဲ့လာဘ္ ထုိးမွဳကုိခုိးစားေနသူမ်ားသည္တုိင္းျပည္အတြက္အႏၱရာယ္ၾကီးမာလြန္သျဖင့္ေတြ.သည့္ေနရာမွာ၀ုိင္းရွင္း ရမည္။
တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြလုံး၀လက္မခံႏွူိင္ဘူး၊ကြ်မ္းက်င္းသူမ်ားအမည္ခံျပီးဗမာေခြးဘီလူးအစုိးရရဲ့လာဘ္ ထုိးမွဳကုိခုိးစားေနသူမ်ားသည္တုိင္းျပည္အတြက္အႏၱရာယ္ၾကီးမာလြန္သျဖင့္ေတြ.သည့္ေနရာမွာ၀ုိင္းရွင္း ရမည္။
Ethnic Leaders Dismiss Talk of Burma's Collapse Should Junta Fall
By Saw Yan Naing
October 26, 2007
(Irrawaddy)
Influential Burmese leaders contacted by The Irrawaddy have dismissed a possible “nightmare scenario" raised by some Burma experts who say that—should the junta fall—the country might collapse because of a lack of civilian leaders with experience in government.
Some Western experts and one Burmese historian suggested the fall of the military junta could bring about ethnic insurgencies, gutted institutions, clashes among leaders with no experience in democracy and continuing aftershocks from the junta’s ruinous economic policies in one of the world’s poorest nations, The Associated Press reported this week.
All of the ethnic leaders, veteran politicians and scholars contacted by The Irrawaddy disagreed.
“The perspective of those experts is groundless and their viewpoints are totally in line with what the junta says,” Mahn Sha, the general-secretary of the Karen National Union, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday. “The conflict in Burma is not a fight among ethnicities. We are only fighting against the military rulers, not against the army.” The KNU is among the oldest rebel groups in Southeast Asia, and one of the few remaining groups which have yet to sign a ceasefire agreement with the regime.
Professor David Steinberg of Georgetown University said in the AP report that given the deep-seated hatreds and continued warfare between the government and some ethnic insurgents like the Karen, Karenni and Shan, a fragmentation is possible should the Burmese military abruptly disintegrate.
Mahn Sha disagreed, saying all people in Burma have a common ground.
“Everyone—even children— knows that a country needs a military,” Mahn Sha said.
The secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy, Aye Thar Aung, who lives in Rangoon, discounted the likelihood of ethnic insurgent groups breaking away to form independent states, saying, “None of ethnic groups will restart the insurgencies and rebellions, if they gain the rights they fight for.”
All opposition and ethnic groups, including the main opposition National League for Democracy, have consistently called for dialogue between the military regime and opposition and ethnic leaders to solve the country’s decades-old political deadlock.
A spokesman for the main ceasefire group, the Kachin Independence Organization, said talk of the country's fragmentation is farfetched.
Tu Ja, a vice-secretary of the KIO, said, “I don’t know what they [experts] are talking about. We all want peace, autonomy and equal rights. If we get those, I don’t see any problem among us.”
The KIO, founded in 1961, was one among 17 ethnic armed groups which signed a ceasefire agreement with the ruling junta in 1990s.
“Political reform and democratization is now needed in the country,” Tu Ja told The Irrawaddy by telephone. “If democratization and a genuine federal union prevail in the country, we will be very happy. We don’t need to fight against a government such as that.”
A veteran politician, Thakin Chan Htun, a former ambassador to China, said from his home in Rangoon that only the top leaders of the military need to be removed if there is a change to a more democratic system.
Author Bertil Lintner, one of several foreign experts quoted in the AP report, said, "Look at Indonesia. Many feared a Balkanization after the fall of Suharto but, in the end, the transition went much more smoothly than expected. In Indonesia, democracy actually turned out to be useful for solving ethnic conflicts. Now, a liberally minded ex-general is president, so why not in Burma?"
Chan Htun agreed, saying the real problem in the military is the junta's chief, Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Even some of his aids might be willing to enter into genuine talks with the opposition, he said.
In the AP report, a Burmese historian Thant Myint-U, the grandson of U Thant who was a former UN general- secretary, said that it is unclear whether members of the large, educated Burmese exile community would return to the country if the junta fell and how effectively they might contribute to a new government.
One Rangoon university professor told The Irrawaddy he believed many Burmese would like to return to the country to help it rebuild.
"If Burma changed, I’ll go back and work for the people voluntarily," he said. "For that, I don’t need a position in the government. I will serve the country any way I possibly can.”
A Burmese scholar in Singapore, said, “It is amazing. Many people (foreign experts) make comments on Burma, but they have never been to our country.”
A veteran Arakanese journalist inside Burma said some experts lack a deep understanding of Burma’s affairs.
“They are just buying the regime’s propaganda," he said. "Their opinions don’t represent ethnic people who are living inside Burma.”
He noted that even under the government of the later dictator Gen Ne Win, several ethnic leaders held high- ranking positions. Thura Saw Phyu, an Arakanese, was chief of staff and a minister and several other Arakanese, Shan and Karen served in the government.
“I don’t think educated Arakanese want to have a separate state," he said. "We want to be part of Burma. We are proud to be a part of Burma, and we are Buddhists," he said. "We would be better off because of democracy—what we want is greater autonomy.”
Under the current regime, he said, there is racial discrimination against ethnic minorities in the armed forces. By having more power sharing among different groups in Burma, that sort of attitude could be changed, he said.
A spokesperson of the Shan State Army-South, Sai Lao Hseng, said that if the current government collapsed a better government would be formed, and there are no real conflicts among ethnicities now. The SSA-South is one of the few ethnic groups still fighting the Burmese army.
“It is time for us to fight together to topple the military regime and try to establish a better government in our country,” he said.
Some Western experts and one Burmese historian suggested the fall of the military junta could bring about ethnic insurgencies, gutted institutions, clashes among leaders with no experience in democracy and continuing aftershocks from the junta’s ruinous economic policies in one of the world’s poorest nations, The Associated Press reported this week.
All of the ethnic leaders, veteran politicians and scholars contacted by The Irrawaddy disagreed.
“The perspective of those experts is groundless and their viewpoints are totally in line with what the junta says,” Mahn Sha, the general-secretary of the Karen National Union, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday. “The conflict in Burma is not a fight among ethnicities. We are only fighting against the military rulers, not against the army.” The KNU is among the oldest rebel groups in Southeast Asia, and one of the few remaining groups which have yet to sign a ceasefire agreement with the regime.
Professor David Steinberg of Georgetown University said in the AP report that given the deep-seated hatreds and continued warfare between the government and some ethnic insurgents like the Karen, Karenni and Shan, a fragmentation is possible should the Burmese military abruptly disintegrate.
Mahn Sha disagreed, saying all people in Burma have a common ground.
“Everyone—even children— knows that a country needs a military,” Mahn Sha said.
The secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy, Aye Thar Aung, who lives in Rangoon, discounted the likelihood of ethnic insurgent groups breaking away to form independent states, saying, “None of ethnic groups will restart the insurgencies and rebellions, if they gain the rights they fight for.”
All opposition and ethnic groups, including the main opposition National League for Democracy, have consistently called for dialogue between the military regime and opposition and ethnic leaders to solve the country’s decades-old political deadlock.
A spokesman for the main ceasefire group, the Kachin Independence Organization, said talk of the country's fragmentation is farfetched.
Tu Ja, a vice-secretary of the KIO, said, “I don’t know what they [experts] are talking about. We all want peace, autonomy and equal rights. If we get those, I don’t see any problem among us.”
The KIO, founded in 1961, was one among 17 ethnic armed groups which signed a ceasefire agreement with the ruling junta in 1990s.
“Political reform and democratization is now needed in the country,” Tu Ja told The Irrawaddy by telephone. “If democratization and a genuine federal union prevail in the country, we will be very happy. We don’t need to fight against a government such as that.”
A veteran politician, Thakin Chan Htun, a former ambassador to China, said from his home in Rangoon that only the top leaders of the military need to be removed if there is a change to a more democratic system.
Author Bertil Lintner, one of several foreign experts quoted in the AP report, said, "Look at Indonesia. Many feared a Balkanization after the fall of Suharto but, in the end, the transition went much more smoothly than expected. In Indonesia, democracy actually turned out to be useful for solving ethnic conflicts. Now, a liberally minded ex-general is president, so why not in Burma?"
Chan Htun agreed, saying the real problem in the military is the junta's chief, Snr-Gen Than Shwe. Even some of his aids might be willing to enter into genuine talks with the opposition, he said.
In the AP report, a Burmese historian Thant Myint-U, the grandson of U Thant who was a former UN general- secretary, said that it is unclear whether members of the large, educated Burmese exile community would return to the country if the junta fell and how effectively they might contribute to a new government.
One Rangoon university professor told The Irrawaddy he believed many Burmese would like to return to the country to help it rebuild.
"If Burma changed, I’ll go back and work for the people voluntarily," he said. "For that, I don’t need a position in the government. I will serve the country any way I possibly can.”
A Burmese scholar in Singapore, said, “It is amazing. Many people (foreign experts) make comments on Burma, but they have never been to our country.”
A veteran Arakanese journalist inside Burma said some experts lack a deep understanding of Burma’s affairs.
“They are just buying the regime’s propaganda," he said. "Their opinions don’t represent ethnic people who are living inside Burma.”
He noted that even under the government of the later dictator Gen Ne Win, several ethnic leaders held high- ranking positions. Thura Saw Phyu, an Arakanese, was chief of staff and a minister and several other Arakanese, Shan and Karen served in the government.
“I don’t think educated Arakanese want to have a separate state," he said. "We want to be part of Burma. We are proud to be a part of Burma, and we are Buddhists," he said. "We would be better off because of democracy—what we want is greater autonomy.”
Under the current regime, he said, there is racial discrimination against ethnic minorities in the armed forces. By having more power sharing among different groups in Burma, that sort of attitude could be changed, he said.
A spokesperson of the Shan State Army-South, Sai Lao Hseng, said that if the current government collapsed a better government would be formed, and there are no real conflicts among ethnicities now. The SSA-South is one of the few ethnic groups still fighting the Burmese army.
“It is time for us to fight together to topple the military regime and try to establish a better government in our country,” he said.
ကခ်င္းသတင္းဌာနမွအတည္ျပဳျခင္း
ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ဆႏၵျပသူမ်ားကုိပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ဖုိ.ခ်င္းတပ္သားတစ္ခ်ဳိ.အပါအ၀င္ဗမာ
စစ္ေခြးဘီလူးမ်ားကုိစိတ္ၾကြေဆးတုိက္ေၾကြးခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ဆႏၵျပပြဲကာလအတြင္းငါတုိ.ရခဲ့သတင္းမ်ား ကုိရာႏွဳန္းျပည့္မွန္ကန္သြားျပီးေပါ့။အင္း.....ေတာ္ေတာ္ယုတ္မာသည့္အရည္ၾကီးမ်ဳိးေတြ
Sergeant Hkangda La Tawng (29), a Kachin special narcotic police officer died of amphetamine(Yama) overdose early this month in a public hospital in Rangoon, former capital of Burma, said Kachin community sources.
Sergeant Hkangda La Tawng was involved in the recent brutal crackdown on monk-led demonstrations against Burma's ruling junta in Rangoon between September 24 to 30, according to the Sergeant's relatives in Rangoon.
During the crack down on the Rangoon demonstrations, he had eaten amphetamine contaminated food prepared by the authorities. He had to be hospitalized at public hospital in west Rangoon soon after the operation ended, his relatives, added.
He died of Yama overdose on October 7 and his funeral service was held by the Kachin Christian community in Rangoon, the next day, said Rangoon Kachin community sources.
Sergeant La Tawng had been working in the Special Narcotic Police section in his native city of Lashio in Northeast Shan State. He had gone to Rangoon to attending a three-month intensive computer course, according to his relatives.
He was due to be promoted to the rank of Second Lieutenant after coming back from Rangoon to Lashio on the completion of his computer course, relatives said.
During the junta's bloody crack down, the junta said 10 people were killed though the western governments say the actual death toll is far higher.About 3,000 people were arrested countrywide, but a few hundred have been freed, the state media has said.
ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ားဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ဆႏၵျပသူမ်ားကုိပစ္ခတ္သတ္ျဖတ္ဖုိ.ခ်င္းတပ္သားတစ္ခ်ဳိ.အပါအ၀င္ဗမာ
စစ္ေခြးဘီလူးမ်ားကုိစိတ္ၾကြေဆးတုိက္ေၾကြးခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတဲ့ဆႏၵျပပြဲကာလအတြင္းငါတုိ.ရခဲ့သတင္းမ်ား ကုိရာႏွဳန္းျပည့္မွန္ကန္သြားျပီးေပါ့။အင္း.....ေတာ္ေတာ္ယုတ္မာသည့္အရည္ၾကီးမ်ဳိးေတြ
Kachin special narcotic cell officer dies of amphetamine overdose
October 27, 2007KNG
Sergeant Hkangda La Tawng (29), a Kachin special narcotic police officer died of amphetamine(Yama) overdose early this month in a public hospital in Rangoon, former capital of Burma, said Kachin community sources.
Sergeant Hkangda La Tawng was involved in the recent brutal crackdown on monk-led demonstrations against Burma's ruling junta in Rangoon between September 24 to 30, according to the Sergeant's relatives in Rangoon.
During the crack down on the Rangoon demonstrations, he had eaten amphetamine contaminated food prepared by the authorities. He had to be hospitalized at public hospital in west Rangoon soon after the operation ended, his relatives, added.
He died of Yama overdose on October 7 and his funeral service was held by the Kachin Christian community in Rangoon, the next day, said Rangoon Kachin community sources.
Sergeant La Tawng had been working in the Special Narcotic Police section in his native city of Lashio in Northeast Shan State. He had gone to Rangoon to attending a three-month intensive computer course, according to his relatives.
He was due to be promoted to the rank of Second Lieutenant after coming back from Rangoon to Lashio on the completion of his computer course, relatives said.
During the junta's bloody crack down, the junta said 10 people were killed though the western governments say the actual death toll is far higher.About 3,000 people were arrested countrywide, but a few hundred have been freed, the state media has said.
Friday, October 26, 2007
ဖားအက်င့္ပါသည့္ထုိင္းအစုိးရကလဲျပႆနာ၊
ေအာက္တုိဘာလ ၂၆၊၂၀၀၇၊
မၾကာခင္ကဆႏၵျပသည့္ကာလအတြင္းမွာဆုိ၊ငါတုိ.ဘက္ကႏူိင္တယ္လုိ.ထင္ျပးီထုိင္းမွာရွိသည့္ငါတုိ.လူေတြကုိဆႏၵျပဖုိ.ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားကေနခြင့္ျပဳအားေပးခဲ့တယ္။အခုတေလာက်ေတာ့။ငါတုိ.ဘက္က
ရွံးေနျပီလုိထင္ျပီးေခြးဘီလူးအစုိးရကုိဖင္ဖြင့္ျပေနျပန္ျပီ၊ေခြးဘီလူးအုပ္စုခုိင္းသည့္အတုိင္း၊ငါတုိ.အင္း
အားစုတည္ရွိရာရုံးမ်ားကုိ၀င္စစ္ေဆးဖုိ.ေတာင္ျပင္ဆင္ေနတယ္။အမေလး၊ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလဖားအ
က်င့္ပါသည့္အစုိးရပါလား?`
ေအာက္တုိဘာလ ၂၆၊၂၀၀၇၊
မၾကာခင္ကဆႏၵျပသည့္ကာလအတြင္းမွာဆုိ၊ငါတုိ.ဘက္ကႏူိင္တယ္လုိ.ထင္ျပးီထုိင္းမွာရွိသည့္ငါတုိ.လူေတြကုိဆႏၵျပဖုိ.ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားကေနခြင့္ျပဳအားေပးခဲ့တယ္။အခုတေလာက်ေတာ့။ငါတုိ.ဘက္က
ရွံးေနျပီလုိထင္ျပီးေခြးဘီလူးအစုိးရကုိဖင္ဖြင့္ျပေနျပန္ျပီ၊ေခြးဘီလူးအုပ္စုခုိင္းသည့္အတုိင္း၊ငါတုိ.အင္း
အားစုတည္ရွိရာရုံးမ်ားကုိ၀င္စစ္ေဆးဖုိ.ေတာင္ျပင္ဆင္ေနတယ္။အမေလး၊ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလဖားအ
က်င့္ပါသည့္အစုိးရပါလား?`
Thursday, October 25, 2007
ေကအုိင္အုိဗဟုိေကာ္မတီထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္
Announcement of the
The 15th full meeting of the Central Committee, Kachin Independence Organization
1. The 15th full meeting of the KIO Central Committee was held between October 15th
- 20th, 2007, at Laiza.
2. The National Convention, a consultative meeting of the Union of Myanmar, was concluded on September 3, this year and on October 19 recently, we learned that a commission to draft a constitution has now been appointed. As the process of constitution crafting begins one of the most important goals for us will be the proper recognition and inclusion of the rights of ethnic national communities.
3. The United Nations has strongly urged an inclusive process, a dialogue-based approach toward the constitution crafting process, and we welcome and fully support this view.
4. We also welcome the recent advice of the government of the People's Republic of China to the effect that it wishes to see peaceful relations between the peoples of Myanmar, and that it hopes that different national communities will be able enjoy the rights they are entitled to.
5. The KIO wants the Union of Myanmar to be founded on the principle of a genuine federal system where the national communities of all constituents of the Union do enjoy the full rights of political self-determination. To attain this shall continue to be the primary goal of the KIO.
6. Consistent with our vision for a Union that is genuine, just and fair, and in accordance with our own determination to be a part of the construction of that Union, we wish to state that we are prepared to consider changing the name of Kachin Indpendence Organization. But this will be done only with full consultation and consent of the Kachin people, and a formal decision to confirm it by the Kachin Consultative Assembly. However, we will not begin this process unilaterally.
The Central Committee
Kachin Independence Organization
Unauthorized translation by KAF from Jinghpaw original. Dated October 21, 2007
Announcement of the
The 15th full meeting of the Central Committee, Kachin Independence Organization
1. The 15th full meeting of the KIO Central Committee was held between October 15th
- 20th, 2007, at Laiza.
2. The National Convention, a consultative meeting of the Union of Myanmar, was concluded on September 3, this year and on October 19 recently, we learned that a commission to draft a constitution has now been appointed. As the process of constitution crafting begins one of the most important goals for us will be the proper recognition and inclusion of the rights of ethnic national communities.
3. The United Nations has strongly urged an inclusive process, a dialogue-based approach toward the constitution crafting process, and we welcome and fully support this view.
4. We also welcome the recent advice of the government of the People's Republic of China to the effect that it wishes to see peaceful relations between the peoples of Myanmar, and that it hopes that different national communities will be able enjoy the rights they are entitled to.
5. The KIO wants the Union of Myanmar to be founded on the principle of a genuine federal system where the national communities of all constituents of the Union do enjoy the full rights of political self-determination. To attain this shall continue to be the primary goal of the KIO.
6. Consistent with our vision for a Union that is genuine, just and fair, and in accordance with our own determination to be a part of the construction of that Union, we wish to state that we are prepared to consider changing the name of Kachin Indpendence Organization. But this will be done only with full consultation and consent of the Kachin people, and a formal decision to confirm it by the Kachin Consultative Assembly. However, we will not begin this process unilaterally.
The Central Committee
Kachin Independence Organization
Unauthorized translation by KAF from Jinghpaw original. Dated October 21, 2007
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Min Ko Naing Birth Day
မင္းကုိႏုိင္ေမြးေန.