
တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာဘာလဲ?
တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံဆုိတာ တရားမွ်တမွဳ၊တန္တူအခြင္႔အေရး၊လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး၊စစ္မွန္ေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စု။ဒီမုိကေရစီ၊ ႏွင္႔ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပဌာန္ခြင္႔အသံမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္၊ "တရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲဟာ မတရားတဲ့စစ္ပြဲကုိ အျမဲေအာင္ရမည္"
Friday, December 7, 2007

by Benjamin HelfrichFri Dec 7, 12:02 AM ET

Young Myanmar migrants taking part in a class in the Thai province of Samut Sakhon, 30 kilometres west of Bangkok. Samut Sakhon is home to about 450,000 people, and the Labour Rights Promotion Network (LPN) estimates that 70 percent of them are Myanmar migrants seeking work.(AFP/File/Benjamin Helfrich)
Peeling shrimp for 14 hours a day can break the most weathered of workers, but not Som, a Myanmar migrant toiling in a Thai factory side-by-side with her family.
She processes more seafood with her nimble 14-year-old fingers than many of her aging colleagues, making her a bona fide breadwinner although she earns only about 100 baht (three dollars) a day.
Truth told, she'd rather have a pencil in her hand than a crustacean.
"I'd prefer to go to school, but I have to make money," she said while sitting cross-legged on the floor of a drab one-room dwelling in Samut Sakhon, a coastal province 30 kilometres (25 miles) west of Bangkok.
"I don't like (the work), but I have to do it," she added.
Seven years ago Som and her family joined the hundreds of thousands of Myanmar migrants in Thailand, fleeing the hardships of life under the military regime that has run their country's economy into the ground.
Some fear that further sanctions following the junta's deadly crackdown on pro-democracy protests in September could lead to a new influx of migrants to Samut Sakhon, making workplace abuses tougher to monitor.
"There are situations (in Samut Sakhon) that are the worst forms of child labour and forced labour," said Thetis Mangahas, a programme manager with the UN's International Labour Organisation.
Samut Sakhon is one of Thailand's wealthiest provinces, home to 40 percent of the kingdom's two billion-dollar-a-year seafood processing industry.
Half of the seafood handled here ends up in the United States, with much of the rest going to the European Union and Japan.
Mangahas estimates that as many as 10 percent of the people working in the province face exploitation. Others, such as Thai labour activist Sampong Sakaew, fear that number will rise if more migrants arrive from Myanmar, formerly known as Burma.
"I think more Burmese workers are coming to Samut Sakhon right now," said Sampong, who heads the Labour Rights Promotion Network (LPN).
"Many people are now hiding in the jungle to avoid the authorities. They return at night and emerge in the morning for work," he added.
Samut Sakhon is home to about 450,000 people, and LPN estimates that 70 percent of them are Myanmar migrants seeking work. Only 74,000 of the migrants in the province are registered legally in Thailand, the group says.
In 2004, Thailand declared an amnesty for the migrants and allowed them a one-off chance to legally register for employment, according to Sampong.
But every year more and more people trek through Myanmar's landmine-infested eastern provinces to search for a better life in Thailand.
"Every day and every night, more and more are crossing the border," Sampong said.
In September, a police raid on the Ranya Paew factory unveiled wretched conditions for 800 workers.
Police said women there were forced to shave their heads and were beaten. Families were forced to buy rancid pork from the factory's owner while the workers lived within the plant's barbed-wired compound.
Inside the factory, workers sometimes laboured with guns pointed at their temples, according to LPN.
Panisuan Jamnarnwej, director of the Thai Frozen Food Association, oversees 56 member factories in Samut Sakhon that readily employ Burmese migrants.
"They are good at supervising and working instead of enjoying life like the Thais," he said.
But a report by the Seafarers Union of Burma, a trade union in exile, says that in many cases forced overtime and wages below the legal Thai minimum of 189 baht (5.72 dollars) per day is standard.
While Panisuan is quick to defend his members saying all abide by Thai law, he admits some working conditions in Samut Sakhon are not ideal.
"But there are slave factories everywhere, even in New York," he said.
Thein New was lucky enough to avoid such a place.
After the 1988 student-led uprising in Myanmar, which was crushed when soldiers killed more than 3,000 people in the streets, the 44-year-old mother of eight joined a mass exodus to Thailand.
She and her family left their homes in Mon state, secretly crossed into Thailand and trekked through the jungle for days before reaching Samut Sakhon.
She has organised racks of squid at the same factory alongside many of her kin ever since.
"Normally I get around 200 baht (six dollars) per day, and my boss lets me quit if I get a headache," she said.
When Thein New falters, four of her children who work beside her pick up the slack instead of attending school.
Despite a Thai law providing education for all children regardless of legal status, just two Samut Sakhon schools accept Myanmar children, who are then separated from their Thai peers.
Many Myanmar families depend on wages from their children and each morning opt to bring them to the plant rather than the playground.
More that 2,800 child migrants under the age of 15 are registered in Samut Sakhon. About 50 percent of them, like Som, have entered the workforce, according to LPN.
Mangahas sees this as a failure of Thai policy.
"This industry allows for seasonal work and young people are the workforce that can adapt most easily," she said. "But the policies in place don't account for these young people and the special protection they deserve."
Thein New is sympathetic towards abused workers in Samut Sakhon and regrets she can not help them.
"I am very lucky, but when I hear about bad employers I feel like I need to fight against them, but I can't do it alone," she said.
Wednesday, December 5, 2007
ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၅ ရက္၊ ၂၀၀၇ ခုနွစ္။
ယခုလ ၃ ရက္က နအဖစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ လားဟူျပည္သူ႔စစ္ ပူးေပါင္းစစ္ေႀကာင္း တစ္ေႀကာင္းသည္ ၀ျပည္ ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္ေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔မွ တပ္ဖြဲ႔တစ္ဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ သွ်မ္းျပည္အေရွ႕ပုိင္း မုိင္းဆတ္ျမိဳ႕အနီး၌ ထိပ္တုိက္ရင္ဆုိင္ရာ နာရီ၀က္ခန္႔ ပစ္ခတ္မႈမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့ေႀကာင္း နယ္စပ္ သတင္းရပ္ကြက္က ဆုိပါသည္။
မုိင္းျပင္းအေျခစုိက္ နအဖစစ္တပ္ ခမရ ၃၆၀ ေနာင္ခ်ဳိတပ္စခန္းမွ အင္အား ၃၀ ခန္႔သည္ မုိင္းဆတ္ျမိဳ႕နယ္ ပန္ဟုိင္း လားဟူျပည္သူ႔စစ္ ၁၀ ေယာက္ႏွင့္အတူ ပန္ဟုိင္းရြာ အေရွ႕ဘက္ ေတာင္ေျခအနီး နမ့္ကုတ္ေခ်ာင္း အေရွ႕ဘက္ကမ္းတေလွ်ာက္ ေတာလမ္းအတုိင္း စစ္ေႀကာင္းလွည့္ပတ္ရာ မုိင္းဆတ္ မွ ၄ ကီလုိခန္႔ အကြာ၌ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔တစ္ဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ ထိပ္တုိက္ ေတြ႔သျဖင့္ မိနစ္ ၂၀ ခန္႔ ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့ႀကသည္ဟု နယ္စပ္ေရာက္ မုိင္းဆတ္ ကားသမား တစ္ဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။
ပန္ဟုိင္းရြာသား တစ္ဦးကလည္း “အဲဒီ UWSA ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔ က ေ၀့ေရွာ္ကန္း ဦးစီးတဲ့ စစ္ေဒသ ၁၇၁ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ ၀မ့္ဟုန္႔ဘက္ကုိ ေတာလမ္းကေန ဆင္းသြားမဲ့ တပ္ဖြဲ႔လုိ႔ ေျပာတယ္။ မုိင္းျပင္းဘက္က ဆင္းလာတာ ဘယ္သူ ဦးေဆာင္လာလဲ၊ ဘယ္အဖြဲ႔လဲေတာ့ မသိဘူး။ အင္အား ၅၀-၆၀ ေလာက္ ေတာလမ္းက လာတယ္။ ရိကၡာေတြ ပစၥည္းေတြ တင္လာတယ္။ ယာဘေတြလဲ ပါတယ္လုိ႔ ႀကားတယ္” ဟု ဆုိပါသည္။
ကားသမားကဆက္၍ “က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ လာတုန္းက ပစ္ခတ္သံေတာ့ စဲသြားျပီ။ ဘယ္ဘက္က တပ္ဆုတ္တယ္၊ အေသအေပ်ာက္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရွိတယ္ေတာ့ မႀကားရေသးဘူး” ဟု ဆုိပါသည္။
အဆုိပါ ခမရ ၃၆၀ မွာ ပန္ဟုိင္း လားဟူ ျပည္သူ႔စစ္အား လမ္းျပအျဖစ္ အဓမၼ ေခၚေဆာင္သြားျပီး ထုိေဒသရွိ ေက်းရြာမ်ားသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္ လွည့္လည္ကာ အျမဲလုိလုိ အိမ္ေမြးႀကက္၊ ၀က္၊ တိရစာၦန္မ်ားကုိ လုယက္ စားေသာက္ေလ့ ရွိသည္ဟု ဆုိပါသည္။ နအဖ စစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ ထိပ္တုိက္ေတြ႔ေသာ ၀တပ္ဖြဲ႔သည္ မည္သူ ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ မည္သည့္ စစ္ေႀကာင္းမွန္း အေသအခ်ာ မသိရေသးဟု နယ္စပ္ သတင္းက ဆုိပါသည္။
သတင္း - သွ်မ္းသံေတာ္ဆင္႔သတင္းစဥ္
က်ဳိင္းတံုအေျခစိုက္ ႀတိဂံစစ္တိုင္းမွဴး၏ ညႊန္ႀကားခ်က္အရ ရပ္ကြက္ ေက်းရြာလူထုထံ ပိုက္ဆံေကာက္၍ ကထိန္ပြဲ က်င္းပစဥ္ မီးပံုးပ်ံ လြတ္ျပိဳင္ပြဲမွ မီးပံုးတစ္လံုး မေတာ္တဆ မီးေလာင္ျပီး စစ္ဗိုလ္ႀကီး တစ္ဦးအေပၚ က်မိသျဖင့္ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ေႀကာင္း က်ဳိင္းတံု သတင္းရပ္ကြက္က ဆိုပါသည္။
၁၂၊၅၊၂၀၀၇။

သူေရာက္ရွိ လာမွဳႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေမာင္ေတာတြင္ သတင္း ျဖစ္ေပၚေနသည္မွာ ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ နိုင္ငံတြင္ ေလေဘးအကူအညီေပးရန္ အေမရိကန္ စစ္ေသဘၤာမ်ားႏွင့္ ေလယ်ဥ္တင္ သေဘၤာမ်ား ေရာက္ရွိ ေနမွဳအေပၚ ကို္ယ္တိုင္ သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ား ရယူရန္ႏွင့္ မည့္သည့္ အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ေရာက္ရွိေနသည္ကို ကို္ယ္တိုင္ စီစစ္ရန္ အတြက္ လာေရာက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။
အလားတူ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခင္ေဇာ္သည္ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ျမိဳ႕ အေျခစုိက္ စကခ ၁၅ ႏွင့္ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ အေျခစုိက္ တပ္ရင္း တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ား လက္ေအာက္ရွိတပ္သားမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုျပီး ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ၏ အေျခအေန အရပ္ရပ္ကို ရွင္းလင္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။
နိရဥၥရာ သတင္း
ဒီဇင္ဘာလ ၅ ရက္၊ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ နအဖစစ္တပ္တို႕အၾကား ယမန္ေန႕က ပလက္၀ျမိဳ႕နယ္ အတြင္း ရင္ဆိုင္ ေတြ႕ဆံု တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။
ေတြ႕ဆံု တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ ေနရာမွာ ပလက္၀ျမိဳ႕နယ္ ဆမီးေက်းရြာ အနီးတြင္ ျဖစ္ျပီး အခ်ိန္ ၁၅ မိနစ္ၾကာျမွင့္ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။
ေဒသခံဆိုင္ရာ သတင္းရပ္ကြက္မ်ားအရ သိရွိရမွာ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ ၂၀ ပါးခန္႕ပါ၀င္ ရခိုင္ျပည္လြတ္ေျမွာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္မွ စစ္ေၾကာင္း တခုႏွင့္ ႏွင့္ ခမရ ၃၄၄ မွ စစ္ေၾကာင္းတေၾကာင္းတို႕ အဆိုပါ ဆမီးေက်းရြာ အနီးတြင္ ရင္ဆိုင္ေတြ႕ဆံုရာမွ စတင္ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။
အက်အဆံုးႏွင့္ ထိခိုက္ဒဏ္ရာ ရရွိမွဳ သတင္းအား ရရွိျခင္း မရွိေသးေပ။
တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားမွဳေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံ ျပည္သူမ်ားမွာ အုိးအိမ္မ်ားကိုစြန္႕ခြာျပီး ထြက္ေျပး တိမ္းေရွာင္ေနၾကသည္ ဟု ေဒသခံ တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္ လြတ္ေျမွာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္မွာ ရခိုင္ျပည္ လြတ္ေျမွာက္ေရး ပါတီ၏ လက္ေအာက္ခံ တပ္မေတာ္ ျဖစ္ျပီး ရခိုင္ျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရး အတြက္ လက္နက္ စြဲကိုင္ တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနေသာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္ တရပ္ျဖစ္သည္။
Tuesday, December 4, 2007
NEJ/ ၄ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၇
လာဘ္စားမႈစြပ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ားျဖင့္ မြန္ျပည္နယ္ထိ္ပ္တန္းရဲအရာရိွႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္နယ္ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ အရာရိွမ်ားကို စုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈမ်ားျပဳလုပ္ေနေၾကာင္း အေရွ႕ေတာင္တိုင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွ စစ္အရာရိွတဦးက ေျပာၾကားသည္။
၎က “လာဘ္စားမႈေတြနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မြန္ျပည္နယ္ရဲမင္းႀကီးကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္က အထူးအဖြဲ႔ ဆင္းလာၿပီး စစ္ေဆးေနတယ္။ ဒု-ရဲမင္းႀကီးကိုေတာ့ အၿငိမ္းစားေပးလိုက္တယ္။ ရဲမင္းႀကီးရဲ႕ ကိုယ္ေရးအရာရိွတဦးနဲ႔ ရဲအရာရိွေလးဦးကိုေတာ့ ဖမ္းဆီးစစ္ေဆးေနတယ္။ ျပည္နယ္နဲဲ႔ ခ႐ုိင္ အေထြေထြအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဦးစီးဌာနက အရာရိွတခ်ဳိ႕ကိုလည္း ဖမ္းဆီးထားတယ္” ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ယခုလဆန္းပိုင္းတြင္ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္မွ ရန္ကုန္သို႔ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံလုပ္ ဂက္စ္အိုးမ်ား သယ္ေဆာင္လာသည့္ ဂက္စ္အိုးတင္ကားတစီးကို ပဲခူးစစ္ေဆးေရးဂိတ္တြင္ တားဆီးစစ္ေဆးရာတြင္ ျပည္နယ္ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ရန္ပုံေငြအျဖစ္ ျဖတ္သန္းခြင့္ျပဳပါရန္ေရးထားသည့့္္ ျပည္နယ္ ဒု-ရဲမင္းႀကီး၏ လက္မွတ္ ပါသည့္ ေထာက္ခံစာကိုေတြ႕သျဖင့္ တားျမစ္ဖမ္းဆီးၿပီး အမႈကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္သို႔ တင္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္ ေၾကာင္း အဆိုပါစစ္အရာရိွက ေျပာသည္။
ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွ ပထမအဆင့္စစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႔တဖြဲ႔ကို ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္သို႔ေစလႊတ္္စစ္ေဆးခဲ့ရာ ထုိင္း ႏိုင္ငံလုပ္ကုန္ပစၥည္းမ်ားအား ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္မွ ရန္ကုန္သို႔တင္ပို႔ေနသည့္ အမႈမ်ား ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ၿပီး အျခား ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္းစီမံကိန္းမ်ားတြင္ ျပည္နယ္အဆင့္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ား၏ လာဘ္စားမႈမ်ားကိုပါ ဆက္တိုက္ေတြ႔ရိွရသျဖင့္ အထူးစုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႔တဖြဲ႔ကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္က ထပ္မံေစ လႊတ္၍ စစ္ေဆးေစခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၎ကေျပာသည္။
အထူးစုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႔၏ စစ္ေဆးေတြ႔ရိွခ်က္အရ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္မွ ရန္ကုန္သို႔ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံလုပ္ ဂက္စ္အိုးမ်ား သယ္ေဆာင္သည့္ကားတစီးသည္ လမ္းျဖတ္သန္းခြင့္ ေထာက္ခံစာတေစာင္ရရန္ အတြက္ ျပည္နယ္ရဲမင္းႀကီးအတြက္ က်ပ္ (၅) သိန္း၊ ရဲမင္းႀကီးကိုယ္စား လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိး ေပးရသည့္ ဒု-ျပည္နယ္ရဲမင္းႀကီးအတြက္ က်ပ္ (၂) သိန္း၊ ျပည္နယ္ရဲမင္းႀကီး၏ ကိုယ္ေရးအရာရိွ အတြက္ က်ပ္ (၁) သိန္း၊ ျပည္နယ္ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ ရန္ပုံေငြအျဖစ္ က်ပ္ (၅) သိန္း၊ ျပည္နယ္အေထြေထြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဦးစီးဌာန ရန္ပုံေငြအတြက္ က်ပ္ (၃) သိန္း၊ စုစုေပါင္း (၁၆) သိန္းေပးရေၾကာင္း ကုန္သည္မ်ားက ထြက္ဆိုသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
တ႐ုတ္၊ ကိုရီးယား၊ ထုိင္း စသည့္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွ ၀င္သည့္ မီးဖိုေခ်ာင္သုံးဂက္စ္အိုးမ်ားကို ရန္ကုန္ႏွင့္ မႏၱေလးအပါအ၀င္ ၿမိဳ႕အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားတြင္သုံးစြဲေနၾကၿပီး ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံမွ ဂက္စ္အိုးႀကီးမ်ားကို မြန္ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ဘက္မွ စီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ားက ျပည္တြင္းသို႔ ေမွာင္ခုိတင္သြင္း ေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ျပည္နယ္ရဲမင္းႀကီးအပါအ၀င္ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ပူးေပါင္းကာ လာဘ္ေငြေပးခဲ့သည့္ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ၿမိဳ႕မ်က္ႏွာဖုံး စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ႀကီးမ်ားလည္း စစ္ေဆးေမးျမန္းခံရေၾကာင္း ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္မွ ၎တို႔ႏွင့္နီးစပ္သည့္အသိုင္းအ၀န္းက ေျပာသည္။
စစ္ေဆးေမးျမန္းခံရသည့္ နာမည္ႀကီးစီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ားတြင္ ဦးမိုးေက်ာ္၊ ဦးေအာင္မိုးေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ ဦးခ်န္စိန္တို႔ပါ၀င္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္မွရဲအရာရိွေဟာင္းတဦးက ျပည္နယ္ရဲမင္းႀကီး တင္သိန္းဟန္ႏွင့္ ဒု-ရဲမင္းႀကီး သန္းေဇာ္တို႔အား စစ္ေဆးေမးျမန္းမႈမ်ားလုပ္သည္မွာ မွန္ကန္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုသည္။
၎က “လုပ္ငန္းရွင္အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားကိုလည္း လာဘ္ေပးမႈနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေနျပည္ေတာ္ စုံစမ္း စစ္ေဆးေရးအဖြဲ႔က မြန္ျပည္နယ္စာၾကည့္တိုက္နဲ႔ ျပတိုက္အနီးက အစိုးရဧည့္ေဂဟာ အမွတ္ (၁) မွာ ေခၚယူစစ္ေဆးေနတယ္။ ညသန္းေခါင္ေက်ာ္မွ ေနအိမ္ေတြက ေခၚသြားၿပီးစစ္ေဆးတာျဖစ္တယ္” ဟုေျပာသည္။
လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ (၄-၅) ႏွစ္ခန္႔ကလည္း ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္တြင္ စက္ေလွပိုင္ရွင္မ်ားက တိုင္းမႉးအပါအ၀င္ ျပည္နယ္အဆင့္အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားထံ လာဘ္ေပးခဲ့မႈႀကီး ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ၿမိဳ႕ခံစီးပြားေရးသမား မ်ားက ေျပာသည္။
ထိုအခ်ိန္က အဖမ္းမခံဘဲ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ေနသည့္ စက္ေလွပိုင္ရွင္အခ်ဳိ႕ ယေန႔တုိင္ ႏိုင္ငံရပ္ျခားတြင္ရိွေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
Homes of two Kachin ceasefire groups' officers monitored by junta
December 4, 2007KNG
Family members of KIO officials told KNG today that they are being asked three to five questions daily by officers of military intelligence also called Military Affairs Security Unit (Sa-Ya-Pha). This is being repeated twice a week or three days a week, since last week.
Military intelligence has mainly targeted the homes of KIO and NDA-K officials which were recently raided by the junta's multi-security forces. They seized several illegal Chinese wireless land line telephones, said KIO and NDA-K sources in Myitkyina.
The junta's policemen in Myitkyina, said they have been instructed to watch all the houses KIO and NDA-K officers including the houses of their relatives on the orders of Commander Maj-Gen Ohn Myint of Kachin State. The names of people whose homes have to be watched have been listed by junta authorities.
Two weeks ago, two of KIO's main gold mining areas were temporarily made out of bounds by the Burmese military. The main ferry routes to one of the biggest KIO's gold mining areas in upper Mali Hka River (Mayli Kha) in north of Myitkyina were cut off and other smaller gold mines along Namsan River on Myitkyina-Bhamo highway road was cracked down upon.
Currently, there is Burmese military movement near KIO controlled areas around Kachin State, according to KIO officials.
The strongest Kachin ceasefire group, KIO is being economically and militarily pressurized by the junta after the organization refused to issue a statement against Burma's democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's November 8 statement released by UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari in Singapore.
Monday, December 3, 2007
'If this continues unaddressed, further bloody confrontation is unavoidable,' he told a hearing of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, a non-partisan panel appointed by the US president and leaders of Congress.
'The very existence of monastic life is being destroyed by the evil military regime and it will face bloodshed again, if the international community, including the UN Security Council, cannot find a collective and effective way to stop this evil regime from killings and arrests,' he said.
At least 15 people died and 3,000 were jailed when Myanmar's military and police broke up pro-democracy protests, which saw Buddhist monks lead 100,000 people in the streets of Yangon on successive days.
Nayaka, a visiting scholar at Columbia University, said he had been working closely with U Gambira, the leader of the Alliance of All Burma Buddhist Monks and key leader of the September protests arrested by the junta last month.
He expressed regret that pressure by the international community on the junta had eased even as serious questions remained over the number of monks forcible disrobed, imprisoned and killed following the protests.
'Where has the global outcry gone? This should be of grave concern for all governments worldwide. This is a moral crisis that Americans must stand for,' he said.
The United States, which has long imposed a trade and investment ban on Myanmar, has twice tightened sanctions since the clampdown on protests.
It ordered an asset freeze on key junta figures and blacklisted seven companies and five individuals allegedly linked to those companies and the regime.
Aung Din, executive director of the US Campaign for Burma, urged Washington to appoint a full-time sanctions coordinator for Myanmar as it did in the late 1990's against Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic's regime accused of genocide.
This would enable coordination of global sanctions against Myanmar's junta, he said.
Citing the Australian government which had targeted financial sanctions against 418 Myanmar citizens, including 40 businessmen, he asked the US government to impose restrictions on more Myanmar businessmen who provided money to the junta leaders and their families.
Jared Genser, president of human rights group Freedom House, raised the prospect of Washington imposing sanctions, such as those used against a Macau bank accused of money laundering for nuclear-armed North Korea, on a Southeast Asian state-owned bank suspected of links to Myanmar's military rulers.
The move against Baco Delta Asia in Macau underscored US financial clout and reportedly compelled North Korea back to the negotiating table.
'Anecdotally in conversations with diplomats in Asean countries, I know there is a deep concern about the prospects of the United States doing to a state-owned bank what happened to Banco Delta Asia in Macau because of its laundering of North Korean funds,' Mr Genser told the hearing.
He did not name the bank.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations comprises Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. -- AFP
Sunday, December 2, 2007
ရွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္သတင္းမွ
No.01 - 12/20072 December 2007General
Youth Dialogue: Three versions
The following reports on the youth dialogue which took place on 29 November were filed by SHAN inerns: Yawd Lao, Hseng Khio Fah and Zan Noi.
Youth to enhance their role in Burma’s politics
By: Ywe Lai
A youth dialogue was held yesterday among youth leaders from different ethnic nationalities of Burma in Thailand to talk about their role during transitional period of Burma and prepare to enhance their activities, even though the situation inside the country has been silent after last September crackdown.
The dialogue "Role of youth in transitional period" was organized by Nationalities Youth Forum (NYForum) on the Thai-Burma border where more than twenty participants from different ethnic background including Kachin, Chin, Shan, Arakanese, Lahu and Karenni were present.
During the one-day discussion participants exchanged their ideas for the role of youth for political and social changes . "I would say it will take one or two years for changes," said Shwe Myo Thant, General Secretary of NY Forum. NY Forum is based in Thailand and an active umbrella organization comprising different youth groups from Burma. "The youth should therefore be ready for transition by two missions; one is a good transition plan and second, to rebuild the educational system," he added. East Timor and South Africa were discussed as standards – how they value their youth and expect them to take part in their country development by overcoming difficulties.
" We should consider about our past mistakes in order to overcome problems in the future," one participant said. "Not to be like 1990 elections when Aung San Suu Kyi won the election and the junta refused to respect the result. Awareness to tricks in future is the role of the youth in order not to fall into junta's trap," one of the participants voiced his opinion.
" Democracy also has its own difficulties, " Pam Green, NY Forum's Organizational Development Advisor explained while she was talking about democracy. "Democracy can be a form of dictatorship, " reminded Shwe Myo Thant, taking Thailand when Mr.Thaksin Shinawatra was prime minister as an example. Just before the dialogue was over in the evening, Pam Green said, "the role of youth is to participate for better changes in the country."
Burma’s future discussed at Youth Dialogue
By: Hseng Khio Fah
South Africa and East Timor’s tight national development plans are used as a model for Burma during its transitional period, in a dialogue held on Thursday November 29 on the Thai-Burma border, attended by over twenty different ethnic youths.
“We also need to follow in their steps, but with our own form,” urged Shwe Myo Thant, General Secretary of Nationalities Youth Forum. In addition, he said, “To dig out the roots of dictatorship, some say it will last 5-10 years .But I have reasons to believe it may only take one or two years.”
His reasons were:
- Junta’s brutal actions on peaceful demonstrations ended public tolerance
- Being under the world’s spotlight
- Getting more people’s participation everywhere
- Getting people more critical on the junta’s justice and injustices
- Burma issue is on the list of UN Security Council
- Getting more support from all over the world
- Aid cuts from Australia, Japan and other western countries
- Unsmooth communications with ceasefire groups
- Various public rebellions
- Unstable situation in its own group are leading to explosion
“Thus, it is not so far for us to reach our goals. But the route will not be smooth for us, so we must be strong for it,” he warned.
“Solidarity and credibility is important for us to reach our goals,” said an ethnic male in the dialogue. All agreed with this suggestion.
“We should keep better communication among us and raise awareness among us as well as inside,” suggested a female attended. “From now on, we youth should put greater effort to get justice for the violence committed against peaceful demonstrators,” said a youth.
“To achieve Unity, Stability and Justice, we need to plan carefully among our youth,” concluded Shwe Myo Thant at the end of the dialogue.
The youth dialogue was organized by Nationalities Youth Forum, an independent and non-profit youth forum serving the ethnic nationalities of Burma, uniting a network of youth organizations in and around the Thai-Burma border. According to its statement, its mission is to stands for political policies of ethnic alliance and work to create equality, national reconciliation and solidarity among the ethnic nationalities of Burma. NY Forum strives to build a genuine, peaceful federalism and to establish mutual understanding among ethnic nationality youths.
Youth discuss Transitional period of Burma
By: Kwarn Lake
A youth dialogue on “The role of Youth in Transitional Period” was held on 29 November, in Thai-Burma border organized by Nationalities Youth Forum.
About over 20 participants from different political organizations and ethnic groups such as Kachin, Kareni, Karen, Chin, Mon, Burman, Arakanese, Shan and Lahu attended the meeting. The aim of the dialogue was to learn how much the youth are ready for the change of Burma, said one of the source person.
“After the bloody crackdown on the monks by the Burmese military régime, the world increased its focus on Burma. International diplomatic pressure and sanctions on Burma make the military junta hard to breathe. For that reason I think Burma will change in 1 or 2 years. Anyway we will have to face a bloody transitional period. It can be a time of controversy among the people, politicians and the resistance groups. So, to be prepared for it, thinking about how to solve problems or make them less is the responsibility of the youth to take”, said Shwe Myo Thant, the general secretary of NYForum.
The resource person, Pam Green, a volunteer from Scotland, said, “The people in Burma are shouting for democracy and want to get it. But do you really know what democracy is and think it is the best system?”
“Democracy is the best system even if it has its weak and strong points. Everything comes with good and bad which we can't avoid”, said one of the youth.
The youth were divided into separate groups to share opinion on how to prepare and take part during and after transitional period. Each group came out with their action plan to present and give comments on each other.
“Youth have a main role to play for the change and rebuilding of the country”, said the general security of NYForum.
“For the change of Burma we must have solidarity and have good communications among the youth both inside and outside the country”, said one of the participants at the end of the meeting.
http://www.shanland.org/general/2007/youth-dialogue-three-versions
Friday, November 30, 2007
Tehelka: Free, Fair, Fearless: http://www.tehelka.com/story_main36.asp?filename=Ws081207Burma.asp#
'Democracy can only be a transition in Myanmar'

Dr Lian H Sakhong (General Secretary, ENC): Myanmar has large proportion of ethnic minorities, several of whom have taken up armed struggle against the junta. The ENC is a collective of armed groups, political parties and civil society members. While we want democracy, we also want our communities have rights of self-determination. There are political parties in Myanmar that share their ideology and objectives with us, but we have no formal links with them, partly because that could jeopardise their position in the country.
Harn Yawnghwe (Advisor to ENC): We insist on tri-partite dialogue between the Myanmar government, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the ENC to solve the current crisis in the country.
Dr Lian H Sakhong: At present, the military might try to buy time by allowing certain concessions. At the same time, since they are engaging with Aung San Suu Kyi, we need to take advantage of this and push for genuine dialogue. Now there is pressure from both inside – as with the recent protests by students and monks – and outside, with the international community and bodies like ASEAN criticising the regime.
But there’s no mechanism for dialogue currently except the UN Security Council. We need to get all the parties on board – we don’t want another veto like in January when China and Russia vetoed the resolution to apply sanctions on the Myanmar regime. What we need is multi-party talks like in North Korea, involving the UN and the neighbouring powers. And all the powers must be part of it, so that any one of them doesn’t take advantage of their exclusion from the talks and side with the junta. I would say all the parties – Russia, Japan, us, India and China, apart from the ASEAN and the UN, but especially the US and China, must be involved in the talks.
But despite their criticism of the regime, the ASEAN didn’t allow UN Special Envoy to Myanmar Ibrahim Gambari to address their recent meeting in Singapore…
Harn Yawnghwe: They didn’t allow him because of they did, then the issue of democracy in Myanmar becomes a regional issue, that the problems in Myanmar is a threat to regional stability. But the Myanmar government wants it to be treated as a domestic issue.
Dr Lian H Sakhong: Even though Gambari’s visit didn’t achieve much, he is important because he has access to the top generals. And with a regime like this, there is no point in talking to lower level officials.
What has been the reaction of the Indian Government from your interaction with them so far?
Harn Yawnghwe: Indian government representatives – especially those in the embassies and consulates aboard – are happy to meet us abroad, but when we come to India, no one has time for us. We’ve been trying to meet with people in the MEA, but it’s doubtful that it will happen.
We were happy to see in the papers that India has decided to stop supplying arms to the Myanmar government. On the ground it may not mean much – they can get arms from anywhere, not just India. But it sends a strong message – that we are not willing to support you with arms when these same arms are being used to crush the people of Myanmar.
Overall, Its clear that India’s ‘Look East’ policy hasn’t worked to India’s advantage. It’s been a failure on all three fronts – containing china, controlling north eastern militancy and procuring energy resources. Ironically, people in Myanmar are talking about approaching communist China to initiate democracy in Myanmar and not democratic India!
Dr Lian H Sakhong: India must re-look its foreign policy – not just towards Burma, but in general – the shift from the morality-based policy of the past to that of ‘pragmatism’ in the 90s hasn’t even served India’s national interest. Murli Deora’s trip to Myanmar to sign a gas deal in the middle of the protests is a case in point. When your neighbour’s house is burning, you shouldn’t be taking advantage of it!
How about China? Have you been talking to them as well?
Harn Yawnghwe: We do have contact, but we can’t say anything more than that. That’s the way they prefer to do things. If we reveal more, it might damage our chances.
How do you explain the fact the two key players in the opposition movement – both the ENC and the NLD had very little role to play in the recent wave of protests, which were started by students and monks
Harn Yawnghwe: The demonstrations took place not just in the capital of Yangon, but all over Myanmar. There were about 300 separate incidents of protests. It happened in the (majority) Burman areas as well as in the ethnic states. So the people of Myanmar are in it together. People also assume that the monks who took part in the protests were mostly Burmans, whereas there were monks from all communities.
What is the background of the ethnic movement?
The ethnic states weren’t part of Myanmar at the time of independence, they joined later. At the time, we wanted Myanmar to be a federation, and the ethnic minority communities came together and proposed amendments to the constitution towards this end, but that didn’t happen. The army seized power and since then the country has been under military rule. The issue is not just that of removing military rule and creating a democracy. In a country as diverse as Myanmar, democracy can only be a transition.
Dr Lian H Sakhong: The struggle, as we see it, is at two levels- the first, for democracy – for individual rights, and second, for the collective rights of the ethnic communities. From 1948 to 1962, Burma was democracy, but at that time also we had an armed struggle. This is related to constitutional problems. We want a federal system, as opposed to unitary system.
Dr Sui Khar (Chair, Foreign Affairs Committee, ENC): Each of the ethnic groups taken individually might seem small, but together, the ethnic minorities in Myanmar constitute 40 percent of the population and occupy 60 percent of the land.
Harn Yawnghwe: Democracy won’t happen unless the military agrees to it; after all they’re the ones holding the power. The recent protests didn’t assume the magnitude of 1988, when there was a countrywide uprising that gripped the country for 6 months.
What about those rebel groups that have struck cease-fire agreements with the government?
Dr Lian H Sakhong: Some of the rebel groups have accepted the cease fire with the government – some attended the National Convention, and are even engaged in business with the government. But they’ve realized that they have no political status. Organisations like the KIO – the Kachin Independence Organisation - have repeatedly approached the govt with memoranda but have always been rejected.
Some of the rebel groups have also been involved in the drug trade…
Harn Yawnghwe: We admit that there are problems. Some of the rebel groups are engaged in the drug trade. But you have to take into consideration the local realties. These are people fighting for their freedom. Besides, where this happens, the area is so barren nothing grows there. Even if they were to cultivate something, they’re cut off from access to any markets where they can sell their produce. That’s why people have turned to opium trade. With opium, there are people who would collect it from the farmers, and pay good money for it. The fact is that, this is all happening because people are denied their rights.
Dr Lian H Sakhong: But the root cause of all the problems is political. It is because people’s basic rights are denied that the other problems take root.
Burmese Army Reinforces Troops for Dry Season Military Offensives
The Burmese government has reinforced troops in Karen State in preparation for dry season military offensives against the Karen National Union, according to sources close to the Burmese military regime.
The regime’s Central Command has sent about 10 Light Infantry Divisions which make up the Military Operation Command 4, with an estimated 20,000 soldiers, to southern and northern Karen State in November.
MOC 4 was sent to Mon and Kyauk Gyi in Pegu Division and Papun in northern Karen State. LID 88 with some 1,500 soldiers was sent to Kawkareik and Kyar Inn Seik Gyi in southern Karen State, according to the source.
Meanwhile, the Free Burma Rangers, a medical relief team that aids internally displaced persons, said some 3,000 Burmese soldiers of Light Infantry Division 33 in northern Karen State were sent to Mon in Pegu Division on November 20, accompanied by about 20 Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) soldiers and 100 porters.
Saw Steve, a member of the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People, told The Irrawaddy on Friday, “Burmese troops started to enter Mon in Pegu Division in late November. Villagers are now on alert. After having meals, they [villagers] always keep their plates, pots and cups in a basket and they're prepared to flee if necessary.”
Mahn Sha, the secretary-general of the Karen National Union, said the Burmese army would probably launch armed operations after it completes stockpiling rations in the area.
“We've heard that they [Burmese armies] intend to launch military operations, especially against the KNU. Small clashes between the KNU and Burmese army happen every day in the region of Three Pagodas Pass, Kawkareik, Kyar Inn Seik Gyi, Myawaddy, Pa-an and Taungoo District.”
He said about 150 Burmese battalions are now stationed in Karen State. The Burmese army is also destroying villagers’ paddy fields and forcing villagers to work on the construction of two new roads in Karen State bordering Karenni State, Mahn Sha said.
On November 15, some 300 people, including at least 100 children in Ler Wah and Ta Hoe Aung villages in northern Karen state, fled an attack launched by Light Infantry Division 11, according to a FBR report. Two local villagers were killed by Light Infantry Battalion 218 and 219, the report said
Meanwhile, on November 20 Burmese units from MOC 8 and 19 arrived in the Three Pagodas Pass border area near Mon Sate in southern Burma, according to a ceasefire group, the New Mon State Party.
Nai ong Ma-nge, a spokesperson of the New Mon State Party, said troops have reinforced soldiers already stationed near the NMSP area, and they are likely to launch an offensive against the KNU.
He said the NMSP is also preparing for an attack from Burmese soldiers.
Nai ong Ma-nge said, “It is not good because they [Burmese soldiers] increased their troops in our ethnic areas while their leaders are talking about achieving political dialogue for national reconciliation. They should withdraw their armies.”
The NMSP is worried about the Burmese reinforcements around the Three Pagodas Pass—an area controlled by the NMSP, the KNU and the DKBA. Recently, the KNU closed down a road from Three Pagodas Pass to Thanbyuzayat because it believed the Burmese army planned to use the road when operating a military offensive against the KNU and Mon and Karen villages in the area.
On November 7, a two-hour clash occurred between Burmese soldiers from Infantry Battalion 577 and the Shan State Army – South at a village in Shan state.
Four Burmese soldiers were killed and four were injured. No SSA-S soldiers were injured, according to Sai Lao Hseng, a spokesperson for the SSA-S.
Tension between Burmese soldiers and the Kachin Independence Organization recently increased with both sides reinforcing troops near the China-Burma border. Burmese soldiers have also begun disrupting KIO businesses in the region, according to a local source.
A Burmese military offensive that began in February of 2006 in northern Karen State killed more than 370 villagers, including children, and displaced more than 30,000 people. More than 5,000 displaced persons fled to the Thai-Burma border area.
Irrawaddy.orghttp://www.irrawaddy.org/
Wednesday, November 28, 2007
28/11/2007
ေသာတုဇနဘိကၡဳ
သီရိလကၤာေရာက္ျမန္မာေက်ာင္းသားရဟန္းေတာ္မ်ား ဘေလာက္မွကူးယူေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္၊
Min Ko Naing Birth Day
မင္းကုိႏုိင္ေမြးေန.



